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Source: Division for Palestinian Rights (DPR)
1 January 1981


THE STATUS OF JERUSALEM

Prepared for, and under the guidance of
the Committee on the Exercise of
the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People

UNITED NATIONS

New York, 1981


TABLE OF CONTENTS

    I.
    Historical Background
1
    II.
    Jerusalem under the British Mandate
3
    III.
    The International Regime for Jerusalem under the Partition Resolution
5
    IV.
    The de facto Division of Jerusalem
8
    V.
    Reaffirmations of the Principle of the Internationalization of Jerusalem
9
    VI.
    The Proposals of the Conciliation Commission for Palestine of an International Regime for Jerusalem
11
    VII.
    The Trusteeship Council's Draft Statutes for Jerusalem
14
    VIII.
    The Interregnum in Jerusalem, 1950-1967
15
    IX.
    The Effects of the 1967 War on the Status of Jerusalem
17
    X.
    Security Council Actions in relation to Jerusalem
19
    XI.
    Jerusalem and the Rights of the Palestinian People
24
    XII.
    Conclusions
26
    Notes and References
27
    Annexes
31




I. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

As a holy city exalted through the entire history of monotheism, temporal rule over Jerusalem has been closely linked with the religious domination of Palestine.

The earliest known people of Palestine were the Canaanites among whom, according to Jewish, Christian and Moslem tradition, Abraham came from Ur. His descendants followed Moses from captivity in Egypt, and after their return, the Jewish tribes were united in about 1000 B.C. under David, who conquered Jerusalem from the Jebusites. His son, the great Solomon, built the first Temple of .Jerusalem on Mount Moriah.

Solomon's death was followed by the division of the kingdom into two—Israel and Judah, Jerusalem being the capital of the latter. Early in the eighth century B.C.. Israel was destroyed by the Assyrians and the Israelites carried away as captives. In 587 B.C., Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem and the Temple of Solomon, carrying the inhabitants of Judah into captivity in Babylon. After Cyrus' conquest of Babylon, the Jews returned to Palestine and rebuilt the Temple of Jerusalem circa 530 B.C.

In 332 B.C., the Macedonians conquered Palestine. A Jewish uprising led to the destruction of the second temple circa 170 B.C. A partial reappearance of Jewish rule was ended by the Roman conquest in 63 B.C. Under Roman suzerainty Herod became king of Judea in 40 B.C., rebuilding the Temple in Jerusalem a second time. From 70 A.D., Titus ruled Palestine, sacking Jerusalem and destroying the Temple, of which only the Western Wall survived. In 135 A .D., Hadrian expelled the Jews from Palestine into the Diaspora.

From circa 400 A.D., Palestine was part of the Byzantine Empire until the Islamic conquest in 637 A.D., the Caliph Omar entering Jerusalem in 638. Palestine remained under Arab Moslem rule for over four and a half centuries, being taken by the Crusaders in 1099. Christian rule lasted less than a century, and in 1187, Palestine was again under Arab Moslem rule under Salah-El-Din the Great. Palestine remained under Moslem domination for another eight centuries, being conquered by the Turks in 1517 and becoming part of the Ottoman Empire.

The history of rule over Jerusalem shows sharply differing attitudes of the rulers toward religions other than their own. The Babylonians, Macedonians and Romans destroyed the .Jewish Temples. Hadrian forbade Jews to enter Jerusalem, but eventually they were able to perform an annual pilgrimage to Jerusalem to continue the tradition of worshipping at the ruins of the Temples. After the Moslem conquest eventually Jews were allowed to return to Jerusalem and to establish their synagogues. Although Moslem holy places were built on Mount Moriah and the site called El Haram El Sherif, becoming one of the three most holy places in Islam, the Jews were permitted to worship at the Western Wall. The Crusaders at first dealt with the Jews harshly, but later showed more tolerance for Judaism. After the Moslem reconquest in 1187, Salah-El-Din allowed Jews to return to Palestine and gave them freedom of worship. Moslem rule over Palestine and Jerusalem lasted nearly 13 centuries, except for the Christian interregnum. It was ended by the British occupation in 1917, and the subsequent status of Palestine as a League of Nations Mandate*

_____________
*This historical background is extracted from the report of an international commission appointed in 1930 with the approval of the League of Nations (see Note 1 under "Notes and References").





II. JERUSALEM UNDER THE BRITISH MANDATE

The League of Nations Mandate for Palestine, granted to Great Britain in 1922, incorporated the Balfour Declaration of 1917, and had as its principal object "the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people." This Mandate was granted without the reference to the wishes of the people of Palestine required by the League's Covenant, but since Palestine was holy to Moslems and Christians also, and since the people of Palestine were overwhelmingly Moslem and Christian Arabs, the Mandate assumed full responsibility for "preserving existing rights" in all the Holy Places. Article 13 read:


Article 14 read:

Within a few years the increase in the Jewish population through mass immigration had resulted in political tensions in Palestine between the Arabs and Jews, part of which was friction between the Jews and Moslem Arabs which soon developed over the Holy Places in Jerusalem

In 1929 there was a serious outbreak of violence over the Western Wall (or the Wailing Wall) of the ruins of the ancient Jewish Temples, the holiest site for Jewish worship, situated in the Haram-El-Sherif, for Moslems the holiest place in Jerusalem. An international commission appointed under Article 14 of the Mandate with the approval of the Council of the League of Nations investigated the claims of the two religious communities in Jerusalem.
Thus the League of Nations Mandate's reference to "existing rights'', presumably meaning the customary rights that had prevailed under the Ottoman Empire, was elaborated by the International Commission.

In its report the Commission noted that in presenting their case for the right of worship at the Western Wall, the Jews "do not claim any property right to the Wall". Its award prescribed certain subsidiary entitlements and obligations for both religious communities. This was made law on 8 June 19312, and remained law until the end of the Mandate.

The massive immigration under the Zionist Organisation's policies was swelled by European Jews seeking refuge from Nazi persecution. The augmented Jewish proportion of Palestine's population brought mounting Jewish-Arab hostility which culminated in the Palestinian rebellion of 1937-1939.

The Royal Commission of enquiry commenting on Jewish-Arab animosity, stated, inter alia:
Citing "the force of circumstance", the Royal Commission proposed the partition of Palestine into an Arab State and a Jewish State. In view of the sanctity of Jerusalem and Bethlehem to all three faiths, the Commission held the Holy Places to be, in words taken from the League's Covenant, "a sacred trust of civilization". It proposed that a Jerusalem-Bethlehem enclave encompassing all the Holy Places, with a corridor to the sea terminating at Jaffa, be endowed with an international status under a new mandate subject to the League's supervision4 (Map at Annex I).

This first plan for the partition of Palestine and the internationalisation of Jerusalem was superseded by political and military events. After the Second World War, Great Britain declared it was unable to resolve the conflict in Palestine and brought the problem to the United Nations.


III. THE INTERNATIONAL REGIME FOR JERUSALEM
UNDER THE PARTITION RESOLUTION

When the Palestine question was taken up by the United Nations, in 1947, the country itself was ravaged by conflict. Because of its religious significance and symbolism, Jerusalem inevitably became a particular centre of convergence of the Jewish-Arab confrontation.

A large number of Jewish immigrants had settled in a new expanded western sector of Jerusalem, the ancient eastern sector, including the walled city, remaining predominantly Arab. The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP), appointed by the General Assembly to present proposals on Palestine, estimated there were about 100,000 Jews and 105.000 Arabs (and others) in Jerusalem5.

Due to the special position of Jerusalem, UNSCOP unanimously recommended that the sanctity of the Holy Places be guaranteed by special provisions, and that "existing rights" in Palestine be preserved:
The minority report recommended an independent, unified, federal State in Palestine. Jerusalem, which would have separate municipalities for the Arab and Jewish sectors, was to be its capital. Elaborating the unanimous recommendation cited above, the minority report proposed a functional form of internationalisation:

The majority report recommended the partition of Palestine into an Arab State and a Jewish State, and the territorial internationalization of the Jerusalem area as an international enclave in the Arab State in Palestine (Maps at Annexes II and III). These recommendations were approved by the General Assembly in its Resolution 181 (II) on 29 November 1947. Often referred to as the "Partition Resolution", it envisaged a demilitarized Jerusalem as a corpus separatum under the aegis of the UN Trusteeship Council, which would draft a Statute for Jerusalem and appoint a Governor. A legislature would be elected by universal adult suffrage. The Statute would remain in force for ten years, and then be re-examined by the Trusteeship Council, with citizen participation through a referendum.

The principle of upholding "existing rights" in the Holy Places thus was maintained in the Partition Resolution.

The Arab States and the Arab Higher Committee for Palestine, however, rejected the resolution, declaring that the UN was exceeding its competence by proposing the partitioning of Palestine. The Zionist Organisation, which had insisted that a Jewish State should be established in Palestine in its entirety, reluctantly accepted the partition formula. The conflict in Palestine, however, prevented the implementation of the resolution.


IV. THE DE FACTO DIVISION OF JERUSALEM, 1948 In actuality Palestine's fate was being determined not by international agreement but by armed force. Several months before the British finally withdrew from Palestine on 15 May 1948, a virtual state of war existed between the Palestinian Arabs and Zionist military organisations such as the Haganah and the Irgun. With the entry of forces from bordering Arab countries following the proclamation of the State of Israel on 14 May 1948, full-scale war broke out. being ended by a UN-negotiated truce on 16 November 1948, with Israeli forces having decisively defeated the Arab troops. Israeli territorial control expanded deep into the territories allotted to the Arab State, and into the western sector of the Jerusalem enclave destined for internationalization under the Partition Resolution. Eastern Jerusalem, including the Walled City and the "West Bank", came under the occupation of Jordan, then not a member of the UN. (Map at Annex II)

This division of Jerusalem was confirmed by an Israel-Jordan cease-fire agreement of 30 November 1948, (which allowed convoys to an Israeli contingent in occupation of Mount Scopus in the Jordanian sector.)

The de facto division of the city was further formalized by an Israel-Jordan Armistice Agreement of 3 April 1949. This Agreement had no effect on the Partition Resolution's provisions for the internationalisation of Jerusalem.



V. REAFFIRMATIONS OF THE PRINCIPLE OF THE
INTERNATIONALISATION OF JERUSALEM

Both the Israel-Jordan agreements were concluded through the UN Mediator for Palestine, appointed by the General Assembly. The first Mediator, Count Bernadotte, before his assassination by an Israeli terrorist group, had reiterated the importance of internationalisation:

Another General Assembly resolution, 194 (III) of 11 December 1948, again reaffirmed the principles of internationalisation and "existing rights", resolving:

The resolution established a Conciliation Commission for Palestine (CCP), which was instructed, inter alia:
The resolution contained far-reaching provisions for the wider Palestine issue, and the Arab States. refusing to recognise Israel, did not accept it. Israel, on the other hand, also ignored the UN resolution and moved to absorb into its jurisdiction that part of Jerusalem it had occupied. In September 1948 the Israeli Supreme Court was established in New Jerusalem, in February 1949 the Knesset assembled and the President took the oath of office in the city.

Israel's intentions toward Jerusalem became a major focus of the UN discussion on Israel's application for membership.

The representative of Israel gave an assurance that:
Delegates, however raised sharp questions on a statement in a report from the Conciliation Commission for Palestine that on the subject of Jerusalem the Israeli Prime Minister had declared that:
The representative of Israel said that this statement had been taken out of context and that in actual fact Israel would:

Israel's assurances in regard of the implementation of resolutions 181 (II) and 194 (III) were specifically mentioned in the General Assembly's resolution admitting Israel to the United Nations12. It is relevant to note that Israel gave these assurances even though both resolutions had not been accepted by the Arab States, and it can therefore be argued that Israel's assurances were not contingent on reciprocal Arab action. Between them these resolutions maintained the principle of the internationalisation of Jerusalem and the maintenance of "existing rights" and historical practice.

Nevertheless, the Knesset proclaimed Jerusalem the capital of Israel on 23 January 1950 and by 1951 Israeli ministries moved into the New City.

Jordan, still not a UN member, also took steps to extend its jurisdiction to the West Bank and the Old City in Jerusalem despite the disapproval of the Arab League.


VI. THE PROPOSALS OF THE CONCILIATION
COMMISSION FOR PALESTINE FOR AN
INTERNATIONAL REGIME FOR JERUSALEM

The United Nations was continuing its efforts to establish an international regime in Jerusalem. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine (CCP) established by resolution 194 (III), composed of representatives of France, Turkey and the USA, set up a Special Committee on Jerusalem. Discussions with Arab and Israeli authorities brought indications that the Arab countries, notwithstanding their initial rejection of resolutions 181 (11) and 194 (III). supported the principle of the internationalisation of the city of Jerusalem, but that this was no longer acceptable to Israel. The CCP reported:
Faced with these positions and the de facto partition of Jerusalem, where the original United Nations aim of territorial internationalisation faced resistance, the CCP inclined toward the idea of a limited internationalisation of only the Holy Places, as proposed by Israel. Though the principle was akin to that presented in the UNSCOP minority report, a critical differentiation was that this earlier plan envisaged a united Palestine with Jerusalem as its capital, while the CCP sought to apply it in a partitioned Palestine and a divided Jerusalem. Unlike the Trusteeship Council, which had been charged solely with drafting a statute for an internationalised Jerusalem, the CCP' s mandate covered the wider Palestine issue. In its discussions with the CCP Israel had made clear its desire to annex all the additional area it had occupied during the 1948 war, with the additional incorporation of the Gaza strip, while disclaiming any such intentions toward the West Bank14 These demands, although rejected by the Arab States, presented the CCP with a situation where the actual line of control between the Israeli and Jordanian zones of occupation in Palestine ran through Jerusalem, and the CCP's proposals for the city seemed to conform to this situation. A CCP report summarized its proposals, detailed in a draft Instrument, as follows:
These CCP proposals, giving the appearance of conforming to a fait accompli of a divided Jerusalem, brought reactions strong enough to lead the CCP to issue an explanatory statement16. This failed to remove the impression that the proposals would consolidate the division of Jerusalem under Israeli and Jordanian jurisdictions with functions for the UN Commissioner limited only to the Holy Places, and thus would not conform to the General Assembly's requirement that Jerusalem be a corpus separatum under an international regime. The CCP proposals were not debated in the General Assembly and, in effect, lapsed.


VII. THE TRUSTEESHIP COUNCIL'S DRAFT
STATUTES FOR JERUSALEM

The Trusteeship Council had been charged by the General Assembly specifically to prepare a statute for an internationalised Jerusalem in terms of resolution 181 (II) and its efforts were directed to this end.

The Council had prepared, in April 1948, a draft statute for the internationalization of Jerusalem17, but the actuality of the situation had made impossible any consideration of the implementation of the Council's proposals. In December 1949 the General Assembly, referring to its two previous major resolutions, reiterated the principle of the internationalization of Jerusalem and requested the Trusteeship Council to finalize a statute, specifying that the Council "shall not allow any actions taken by any interested government or governments to divert it from adopting and implementing the statute of Jerusalem."18 Israel, by then a UN member, voted against this resolution, its assurances regarding the principle of internationalisation notwithstanding.

The Trusteeship Council invited views from Israel and Jordan, which were summarized as follows:
On 4 April 1950 the Council approved a Statute20 still conforming to the territorial internationalization plan of the Partition Resolution of 29 November 1947. Jordan, still not a UN member, refused further comment and Israel maintained that, in the changed circumstances since that resolution, it would accept an international regime only for the Holy Places within the Walled City and its immediate environs21.

Faced with this situation the Trusteeship Council's proposals lapsed for all practical purposes.


VIII. THE INTERREGNUM IN JERUSALEM, 1950-1967

By 1950 certain features of the Palestine issue directly affecting the question of the status of Jerusalem were clear.

The General Assembly had reaffirmed the principle of the maintenance of "existing rights" and of an internationalized corpus separatum status for Jerusalem, despite its de facto division between Israeli and Jordanian occupation. The ultimate determination of the status of the city was unaffected by the Israel-Jordan armistice agreement of 1949. The change in the position of the Arab States (in the CCP talks) to accept the internationalization of Jerusalem had little effect on Israel's determination to hold its territorial gains in the city. These developments combined to prolong the partition of Jerusalem.

After Israel declared Jerusalem its capital, the Jordanian government moved to formalize its control over the West Bank and the Old City. However, the Jordanian legislation indicated that this move did not prejudice the final settlement of the Palestine issue22. In 1955 Jordan became a member of the United Nations.

The division of Jerusalem from 1950 to 1967 between two hostile States, in place of the internationalization called for by the General Assembly, brought certain consequences. Israelis were denied access to the Holy Places in the Old City, as a result of the continuation of a state of war between Israel and Jordan.

The Armistice Agreement between Israel and Jordan included the principle of free access to the Holy Places, for which detailed arrangements were to be finalised by a special committee. The Arab Governments issued the following statement:
However, in the discussions conducted by the Conciliation Commission for Palestine, territorial questions became directly linked with the question of the return of refugees, and the failure to resolve one led to the inability to resolve the other. The CCP's efforts to mediate the impasse were fruitless, and as a result, Israelis could not gain access to the Holy Places during the period of Jordanian occupation of East Jerusalem.

As the division of Jerusalem became protracted, and its two parts became progressively more integrated into two hostile countries, the political barriers consolidated. The psychological rift also deepened as an essentially Arab society continued its traditions in East Jerusalem, while West Jerusalem progressively became more Europeanized.

United Nations efforts to secure the internationalization of Jerusalem faded after 1950, and the international acquiescence in the status quo of a divided Jerusalem was ended by the Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967. (Map at Annex IV)



IX. THE EFFECTS OF THE 1967 WAR ON THE STATUS OF JERUSALEM

Israel's occupation of East Jerusalem in June 1967, along with the Palestinian territory held by Jordan since 1948, brought serious repercussion for the status of Jerusalem. With West Jerusalem already declared by Israel as its capital, Israeli actions immediately following Israel's military success were a clear indication of the Israeli intention, presumably pre-planned, to hold the entire city. For instance when Israeli forces consolidated their positions in the Old City, a senior military commander declared on 7 June 1967:
The immediate extension, through legislative measures, of Israeli, jurisdiction to "Eretz Israel" and to the newly occupied parts of the city24 confirmed this intent of annexation. Possession was further consolidated by more concrete measures, in particular the razing of the historic Maghrabi quarter before the Wailing Wall to construct a plaza.

Israel's failure to respond to United Nations demands to refrain from consolidating its seizure of Jerusalem brought further evidence of Israel's intentions. Israel refused to accept the Security Council's resolution that the Geneva Conventions of 1949 were applicable in areas under military occupation26. Israel's refusal to heed two resolutions of the General Assembly specifically directed to the status of .Jerusalem left little doubt of Israeli intent of annexation.
The references in these resolutions to "the status of Jerusalem" could mean only the status defined in the fundamental General Assembly resolution on the partition of Palestine. i.e a corpus separatum under an international regime.

Both resolutions had received overwhelming support , with no dissent27, but were ignored by Israel, which moved its Supreme Court to East Jerusalem, among other measures to extend Israeli law to the newly occupied territories.

The Secretary-Generals report was based on information gathered by his Personal Representative in Jerusalem, Ambassador Thalmann of Switzerland, whose terms of reference were limited only to obtaining information. Excerpts from the report presented in September. 196728 describe Israeli aims:


X. SECURITY COUNCIL ACTIONS IN RELATION TO JERUSALEM

The Security Council also censured Israel and called for the rescinding of measures taken that affected the status of Jerusalem. Resolution 242 (1967) emphasized the inadmissibility of acquisition of territory by force and called for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from territories occupied during the June 1967 conflict. Both elements were directly applicable to the situation in Jerusalem and might suggest that withdrawal by Israel to the June 1967 lines in Jerusalem would comply with the Councils requirements. But in addition, the Security Council further passed a number of resolutions specifically directed to the status of Jerusalem. Resolution 252 (1968) of 21 May 1968 reads: These references to "the legal status of Jerusalem" by the Security Council again could mean only the status of the internationalized corpus separatum defined in the Partition Resolution, thus maintaining the validity of this status.

Following the outbreak of a major fire in August 1969, evidently by arson, in the Al-Aqsa Mosque, one of the holiest places in Islam, the Security Council took the strong step of condemning Israel for flouting UN resolutions on Jerusalem. Resolution 271 (1969) of 15 September 1969 reads:
Yet another Security Council Resolution reaffirmed the earlier resolutions on the status of Jerusalem, and has declared Israeli actions and legislation in respect of Jerusalem "totally invalid". Resolution 298 (1971) of 25 September 1971 reads:
The sweeping language of this resolution appears to confirm an intent to maintain the status of Jerusalem as a corpus separatum.

Israel's official reaction to this resolution clearly reflected its intentions regarding the status of Jerusalem:
UN resolutions since 1969, emanating mainly from the General Assembly, have been in terms dealing with the wider Middle East situation arising out of the continued Israeli occupation of Arab territories since June 196730, basing themselves on the provisions of Security Council 242 (1967). Every one of these resolutions confirms the non≠recognition of the Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem.

The mission of the Secretary-General's Special Representative, appointed in compliance with Security Council Resolution 242 (1967) to negotiate a Middle East agreement, was deeply concerned with the status of Jerusalem as one of the most fundamental questions in the Middle East dispute, and its failure left the issue unresolved. Israel, despite U.N. condemnation is in continued violation of UN resolutions, and East Jerusalem is in its second decade under foreign occupation and subject to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, which Israel refuses to recognize.



XI. JERUSALEM AND THE RIGHTS OF THE
PALESTINIAN PEOPLE

A development of fundamental importance during this period has been the recognition and endorsement by the General Assembly of the inalienable rights of self-determination, national independence and sovereignty of the Palestinian people. An essential part of this process was the relinquishing by Jordan of any claims to jurisdiction over the West Bank. Thus any Middle East settlement necessarily would have to take into account the General Assembly's call for the establishment in the West Bank and Gaza of a Palestinian national entity. An integral part of any such settlement would involve agreement on the status of Jerusalem.

The Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People in 1976 considered the question of the status of Jerusalem. Its report stated:
The Committee thus appears to take the view that the question of the future status of Jerusalem would have to be approached in the framework of an overall Middle East settlement, in which the establishment of an independent Palestinian entity would be a central element..


XII. CONCLUSIONS

The foregoing survey of the course of the question of the internationalization of Jerusalem in the United Nations leads to the following conclusions regarding the principal elements of the present state of the issue.

(a) During the period 1950-1967, despite the international acquiescence in the division of the City of Jerusalem, the General Assembly continued to uphold the principle of the internationalization of Jerusalem as a corpus separatum in terms of its resolutions 181 (II) and 194 (III).

(b) The resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council in relation to Jerusalem following the occupation of the entire city of Jerusalem by Israel in June 1967 also maintained this original principle of internationalization. Further, they required Israel to withdraw from territories occupied during the conflict, and to rescind all measures taken, as well as to refrain from taking further measures, to alter the status of Jerusalem. Thus, it would appear that the United Nations since 1947 has maintained the principle that the legal status of Jerusalem is that of a corpus separatum under an international regime.

(c) Israel's rejection of these resolutions, which have declared its actions and legislation in Jerusalem invalid, in no way deprives the resolutions of their own validity.

(d) Israel's actions and legislation have not been acquiesced in by the majority of the international community. Most of the countries maintaining diplomatic relations with Israel continue to keep their missions in Tel Aviv, even though Israel has declared Jerusalem as its official capital.

(e) The recent introduction of Israeli legislation requiring all diplomatic missions to move to Jerusalem gives new urgency to the issue, and to the UN role in it in view of the UN resolutions cited earlier.

(f) The question of the status of Jerusalem can be finally resolved only in the context of a general Middle East settlement, which would need to take into account the General Assembly's resolutions on the rights of the Palestinian people.

These factors, inter alia , would be of importance in the resolution of the status of the city of Jerusalem and of the Holy Places.


NOTES AND REFERENCES


(1) British GovernmentReport of the Commission appointed by His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, with the approval of the Council of the League of Nations, to determine the rights and claims of Moslems and Jews in connection with the Western or Wall at Jerusalem
(London, H.M.S.O., 1931) p. 57
(Note: The members of the Commission were from Sweden, Switzerland and the Netherlands)
(2) Palestine GovernmentOfficial Gazette of the Government of Palestine, Jerusalem, 8 June 1931.
(3) British GovernmentPalestine Royal Commission: Report Cmd. 5479 (London, H.M.S.O. 1937) pp. 131, 370.
(4)Ibid.. pp. 381-382.
(5) United Nations:Official Records of the General Assembly, Second Session, Supplement No. 11 (Document A/364, UNSCOP Report) Vol. I, p. 54.
(6)Ibid., p. 44.
(7)Ibid., p. 63.
(8) Official Records of the General Assembly, Third Session, Supplement No. 11 (Document A/648, Progress Report of the UN Mediator on Palestine) p. 18.
(9)Official Records of the General Assembly, Third Session, Part II, Ad Hoc Political Committee, 45th meeting, p. 236.
(10)Ibid. 46th meeting, p. 254.
(11)Ibid.
(12)General Assembly resolution 273 (III) of 11 May 1949.
(13)Official Records of the General Assembly, Fifth Session, Supplement No. 18 (Document A/1367/Rev. 1) p. 10.
(14)Ibid., pp. 19-20.
(15)Ibid., pp. 10-11 The detailed instrument appears in Document A/973.
(16)Document A/973 Add.I.
(17)Document T/118/Rev. 2 of 31 April 1948.
(18)General Assembly resolution 303 (IV) of 4 December 1949.
(19)Official Records of the General Assembly Fifth Session, Supplement No. 9 (Document A/1286: Question of an International Regime for the Jerusalem Area and Protection of the Holy Places) p. 2.
(20)Ibid., p. 19.
(21)Ibid., pp. 2, 32-33.
(22)New York Times, 25 April 1950.
(23)Document PV.2126, 14 March 1979, pp. 33-35.
(24)General Dayan. Facts on File, Vol. XXVII, 7 June 1967.
(25)The Law and Administration Ordinance (Amendment No. 11) Law, 5727-1967 and the Municipalities Ordinance
(Amendment No. 6) Law 5727.
(26) United Nations Resolution 237 (1967) of 14 June 1967.
(27)Resolution 2253:
    99 votes in favour
    0 against
    20 abstentions
Resolution 2254:
    99 votes in favour
    0 against
    18 abstentions
(28)Document S/8146, 12 September 1967, (Report of the Secretary-General Under General Assembly Resolution 2254 (ES-V) Relating to Jerusalem) Paras. 26, 27, 28, 33, 35.
(29) Government of IsraelPress release of 28 September 1971
(30)These include Security Council resolution 338 (1973) of 22 October 1973 and the following General Assembly resolutions:
2628 (XXV) of 7 December 1970
2799 (XXVI) of 13 December 1971
2949 (XXVII) of 8 December 1972
3414 (XXX) of 5 December 1975
31/61 of 9 December 1976
32/20 of 25 November 1977
33/29 of 7 November 1978
The status of the inhabitants of East Jerusalem is also referred to in the General Assembly resolutions since 1970 approving the reports of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories.
(31) United NationsOfficial Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-first Session, Supplement No. 35 (Document A/31/35) p. 8.

















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