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        Security Council
22 March 1968



1404th MEETING: 22 MARCH 1968


Provisional agenda (S/Agenda/ 1404)

Adoption of the agenda1

The situation in the Middle East:
(a) Letter dated 21 March 1968 from the Permanent Representative of Jordan addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/8484);
(b) Letter dated 21 March 1968 from the Permanent Representative of Israel addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/8486)


President: Mr. Ousmane Soce DIOP (Senegal).

Present: The representatives of the following States: Algeria, Brazil, Canada, China, Denmark, Ethiopia, France,
Hungary, India, Pakistan, Paraguay, Senegal, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America.

1. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): In accordance with the decision taken at the 1401st meeting, I propose to invite the representatives of the two countries which have requested a meeting of the Security Council, Jordan and Israel, to take places at the Council table for the duration of the discussion on the question before us.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. M. H. El-Farra (Jordan) and Mr. Y. Tekoah (Israel) took places at the Council table, and Mr. M. A. El Kony (United Arab Republic), Mr. A. Pachachi (Iraq), Mr. A. T. Benhima (Morocco) and Mr. G. J. Tomeh (Syria) took the places reserved for them.

2. I also propose to invite the representatives of the United Arab Republic, Iraq, Morocco and Syria to take the places reserved for them at the side of the Council Chamber, on the understanding that when it is their turn to address the Council they will be invited to take places at the Council table.

3. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): The first speaker on my list is the representative of Jordan, on whom I now call.

4. Mr. EL-FARRA (Jordan): In my statement yesterday [1401st meeting] I pointed out that it was never our intention to disturb the mission of the Special Repre-sentative. We continue to wish Ambassador Jarring success in his efforts, but I am sure that he does not want to be the shield protecting Israel violations and defiance. If the Security Council does not strengthen the hand of Ambas-sador Jarring by condemning the aggressor and invoking Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, it will by its inaction encourage Israel to commit one violation after another.

5. We wanted to come to the Council earlier to present the very many serious cases of Israel violations and contempt for the world community. On many occasions we expressed our fears that permitting Israel defiance to continue without United Nations sanctions would be detrimental to peace. Our policy of maximum restraint and patience is evident from the fact that not until this very moment did we request an urgent meeting of the Security Council to deal effectively with Israel's utter contempt for and defiance of the two General Assembly resolutions on Jerusalem [2253 (ES- V) and 2254 (ES- V)]. We were moti-vated by our constructive attitude towards the mission of the Special Representative, Ambassador Jarring, and also we heeded the appeal of our friends in this regard. This example of our policy of a constructive and positive approach towards peace is more than enough to show to the whole world the real and genuine motives of the Government of Jordan and its hopes for the success of the mission of the Special Representative.

6. What is more, when Israel arbitrarily expelled Jordanian citizens from the west bank of Jordan, including so prominent a leader as the Mayor of Jerusalem, Mr. Rouhi El-Khatib, who was deported ten or twelve days ago, and when it deported the former Foreign Minister of Jordan, Mr. Anton Attalah and others, we did not bring these flagrant violations to the Security Council for the same reason.

7. When Israel enlarged the municipal area of the City of Jerusalem and illegally expropriated 838 acres of the Arab lands adjacent to the Old City, we were advised to be patient and not let it be said that Jordan frustrated all peace efforts in the area. When the President of Israel, Mr. Shazar, called for more Jewish immigrants to Jerusalem to take over Arab property, occupy Arab houses and reap what the Arabs had sown, we still kept to our attitude of restraint and patience.

8. When Israel three times attacked the same Karameh camp, using fragmentation bombs, murdering forty-six innocent civilians and ten soldiers and mortally injuring fifty-five peaceful refugees and thirty-seven soldiers, again we were told to refrain from bringing the question to the Council because it would not produce fruitful results.

9. When the Israelis embarked on bulldozing Arab property in the Jerusalem area in order to build 1,400 units for Jewish immigrants, we were told by some of our friends around this table that we should keep the right atmosphere prevailing in the area in order to give the Special Representative a chance to reach a result with the parties.

10. Thus, for six months we accepted the counsel of many friends around this table only to discover later that our worst fears had been justified. Our land is subjected to mass attacks, our people in Karameh and in other parts of the Jordan valley were subjected to Israel massacres. Our villages were shelled and bombarded; our innocent citizens were killed. Thus the Council can see for itself how our restraint did not stop Israel aggression. It is Israel which did not want to see an atmosphere of peace, but preferred to create conditions which would further tension and unrest.

11. It is obvious, therefore, that Israel with three brigade-divisions, jet fighters and helicopters freely invaded Jordanian villages and freely looted and destroyed, plun-dered and murdered at will, and bombed and committed all sorts of acts of genocide in the Karameh village and camp and in other places. This is the question now before the Security Council. We were asked to be patient in the name of peace; but apparently no one could prevail upon arrogant Israel to heed United Nations decisions. And now we hope that many of the members around this table have come to see where the responsibility lies and who is responsible for the massive attacks against innocent Jordanian civilians.

12. I must say with regret that this tragedy which befell Jordan was exploited yesterday evening by some American politicians for their own ends.

13. While Israel jet fighters were bombing the refugee tents and dwellings in utter contempt of every human value, the United Jewish Appeal here in New York was celebrating this at a dinner which was the opening of a campaign for tax-exempt donations. Over $16 million was collected last night. No allusion, no reference, was made by those who competed for Israel favor to the Israel lawlessness and banditry against my country and people. Instead, competition in praising Israel took place; earlier Israel was called a sister democracy. Let me ask: Was this dictated by American sense of fairness vis-à-vis those who invaded Jordan yesterday? Definitely, calling Israel a sister democracy invites disgust. I am sure that the fathers of this great country, America, who built their great democracy on the basis of American values, rooted in our own values, had a different definition of what a sister democracy is.

14. I know that those founders of America had different names for actions similar to the Israel practices. Many American leaders no doubt share our view and we give the credit for being fair and objective. In this connection agree with my colleague, Mr. Goldberg, who reminded the Council yesterday [1402nd meeting] that no useful purpose is served by name calling. Certainly, no one wants name calling, but you cannot describe a crime with swear words. I wonder whether the name bestowed on Israel despite its crimes and its wicked massive attack on yesterday, serves any useful purposes. To what extent Israel encouraged by such names? Are not these names, one wonders, together with the continued tax-exempt donations which are used for war and destruction, the cause of much of Israel arrogance and conceit? Is not this feeding Israel terrorism in our area?

15. We hope that our American friends who make such judgements will have more opportunity to see the truth, see the problem and judge it on its merits.

16. The Israel representative did not hesitate to impute me yesterday something I never said. I am not surprised that he would resort to misrepresentation of facts or deceit in order to score a point. I checked his statement this morning to make sure and found that he said the following, "I am not surprised by the concoction served to the Council now by the representative of Jordan from the Protocols of the Elders of Zion." [1401st meeting, para. 68.]

17. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion were never mentioned by me in this important body or anywhere the United Nations. I was referring in my intervention yesterday to the Round Table Conference which took place in Israel in 1963. Time and again I referred to the names the leaders and officials who participated in that conference. For the information of the Israel representative the reference to the conference and the minutes of conference and the statements made in the conference be found not in an Arab or Jordanian book or magazine but in an Israel publication, an Israel magazine called Ma'ariv under the heading "Round-Table". They appear in the issue of Ma’ariv published in Tel-Aviv and dated August 1963.

18. If Mr. Tekoah will go back to his Israel sources, he find that that conference did take place, that some of officials were there participating in it and that what quoted yesterday was taken from some of the statement where they said: "We are planning for a third conflict with the Arabs". [ibid., para. 59.] They also said: "We now fight, fight in the entire area. The conflict must be a war of independence, but not independence of some additional 'triangle'-independence of the Promised Land within her geopolitical borders." [ibid.] Those are not words; they are not taken from the Protocols of the Elders of Zion; they are from the minutes of the Round-Table Conference.

19. Time and again I emphasized the names of some of Israel officials and leaders who participated in the conference. I did not claim that Mr. Shalev, who participated it also, was the author of the Protocols of the Elder Zion. He was one of the Zionist leaders, and Israel in political arm of this Zionist movement.

20. Now the question arises, why did the new Israel representative choose to start in this Council with these misleading tactics? He is not here to answer the question. I submit that, in doing so, he was true to Zionist tactics and cannot be the exception to the rule. The whole history of Zionist leadership is a history of falsehood and acts of forgery and misrepresentation. I can cite hundreds of such cases. The members of the Council are all familiar with the deliberate forgery by the Israel Ministry of Defense in 1954 of documents involving the then Defense Minister of Israel, Mr. Lavon. The purpose of the forgery in that instance was to give the impression that Mr. Lavon had himself ordered certain acts of sabotage by Israel agents who were sent to Egypt to destroy American installations, with a view to poisoning Arab-American relations.

21. If the Ministry of Defense can forge documents in the name of its own Minister, one might assume that Mr. Tekoah would have little hesitation in misrepresenting what I said, although my statement is here and is still fresh in the memory of the Security Council members. Naturally, the purpose of this distortion is a deliberate attempt to divert the attention of the Security Council from the real issue before the Council.

22. Many innocent civilians fell victims of this naked Israel aggression. Very many of the refugees' dwellings were completely destroyed. Our soldiers resisted the Israel bombardment. They were fighting without air cover; we have every reason to be proud of the bravery and heroism of our soldiers and people, and of the refugees who fought hand to hand. Scores died honorably in defense of their shelters, their homes and the soil of their country. They were resisting the overwhelming force of the Israelis built and reinforced over the years.

23. What is before the Security Council is an act of aggression. The facts are established and the crime is admitted. There is no sense trying to inject a substance foreign to our present complaint into our deliberations. Politics, religion, geography, and the fathers of Mr. Tekoah-all these are questions injected to confuse the issue. The Security Council was given advance notice of this contemplated attack. If this organ responsible for maintaining peace and checking aggression did not deem it fit to meet earlier, in order to avert Israel aggression, despite advance notice, the least it can do now is to condemn the aggression, censure the aggressor, and invoke Chapter VII of the Charter. This is more so since the As Samu decision, adopted by this Council in its resolution 228 (1966) of 25 November 1966, imposes a duty on this body to do so. Otherwise, Security Council resolutions become meaningless -and this would encourage more Israeli contempt and defiance, a thing which would threaten the very image of the great organ called the Security Council.

24. Mr. TOMEH (Syria): The Security Council was convened yesterday at noon in emergency session [1401st meeting] upon the urgent request of the representative of Jordan. In fact, Mr. El-Farra only three days ago warned the Council of an impending large-scale attack by the Israel army against his country [S/8478].

25. As the dust of battle has settled, we now have full knowledge of the dimensions of this latest Israel aggression. Fifteen thousand Israel soldiers, supported by the air force, artillery and tanks, crossed to the east bank of Jordan over a 110-kilometer front, killing civilians, destroying villages and adding new dark pages to their already heavy record of war crimes. One of their main targets was the Arab refugee camp at Karameh, which has been attacked for the third time, an attack which was aimed specifically at the young. It is now established beyond any doubt that, according to The New York Times of this morning:

"The attack seemed to have been planned at least a week ago. Israel military and Political officials began last Monday to prepare domestic and world opinion for the action against"-what they call-"the terrorists.”

26. Thus the Security Council is seized of a new pre-meditated, wanton attack by Israel pirates to satisfy their hate and sadism against innocent Arabs. To bring extra-neous elements to this specific complaint by Jordan could have no other aim but to divert attention from this aggression which constitutes a clear-cut case of genocide against innocent civilians.

27. The new representative of the Israel invaders of Palestine, in his maiden speech to the Security Council, spared no effort yesterday to confuse the issue and obscure the facts by resorting to diversionary tactics. In the usual typical manner of Zionist emotionalism of arousing pity and assuming innocence, he jumped, to suit his purposes, over a period of time ranging from 2,000 years to twenty years to a few months to one day, trying mainly to connect disconnected events, invoking past and dead myths which by now hardly deceive anyone except those who are ready to be deceived, indulging in defeat and hypocrisy which not only bored the audience but which constituted an insult to human intelligence. The wolf was trying to put on the garb of a lamb, the tiny so-called law-abiding State of Israel surrounded by the Arabs and yearning in anguish for peace-a very poor performance indeed, to say the least. But his efforts were futile, for no words or cleverness or conniving can distract our attention from the central issue of which the Council is seized, namely, the massive attack by 15,000 Israel soldiers against Jordan and the killing of innocent Arab civilians, women, and children. Indeed Mr. Tekoah did speak about it, but to tell us in all arrogance that Israel had taken the law into its own hands, which in itself calls for a clear and unequivocal con-demnation by this Council.

28. This new criminal aggression has twofold characteristics. First, it is an extension and continuation of what the Israelis have been perpetrating against the Arabs under the yoke of their occupation or domination, and in violation of the Geneva Convention which Israel ratified on 12 August 1949. Articles 33 and 53 of this Convention state, inter alia:

"Reprisals against protective persons and their property are prohibited.

"Any destruction by the occupying Power of real or personal property belonging individually or collectively to private persons, or to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or co-operative organizations, is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations" 1/

29. The razing to the ground of entire Arab villages on the west bank of Jordan in the Golan heights, in the Gaza Strip and in other United Arab Republic-occupied territory and the destruction of houses in Jerusalem as reprisals against acts of resistance are violations of these conventions. All of us remember the cynicism with which the so-called Mayor of Jerusalem quarreled with General Dayan because he did not inform him in advance that he was going to destroy the Arab homes-not because he destroyed those homes. The perpetrators of these acts could be prosecuted regardless of whether they were carrying out orders given to them by their superiors or whether they were implementing injunc-tions from their Government to share their crime.

30. The French newspaper le Monde, commenting on these acts in an article which appeared on 8 February 1968, wrote:

"It seems urgent for us to remind world opinion that a powerful current should be started that would gather enough momentum to put an end to a situation which ultimately would mean the end of Israel. For the longer the methods of occupation now practiced by the Israelis last, the more resistance there will be against the occupying Power and the more the latter will tend to commit excesses which will in turn increase the hatred of those under occupation."

But to the Zionist Israelis these atrocities are part and parcel of their version of the final liquidation of the Arab problem.

31. Secondly, it is an implementation of Israel's con-tinuous, unceasing quest for Lebensraum and a consolida-tion of its conquests. One has only to turn any page of the last twenty years of the tragic history of Palestine and the Arab world to find a variety of adequate illustrations. My country, Syria, was one of the victims of the Israel blitzkrieg of 5 June 1967. Early in that year, indeed very early in that year, on 10 January 1967, I addressed a letter to the President of the Security Council, the first paragraph of which reads:

". . . I have the honor to draw your urgent attention to the grave deterioration along the armistice demarcation lines as a result of the reactivation by Israel authorities of a dual aim: first, to increase tension in such a way as to make a subsequent large-scale aggression against Syria look like a logical outcome of this tension, and second, to seal the fate of the demilitarized zone, liquidate the Arab rights in the tiny remaining portions of the zone, thus expanding further the scope of illegal occupation". [S/7673.]

32. Two days later, on 12 January 1967, The Jerusalem Post reported:

"Mr. S. Z. Shragai, head of the Jewish Agency Immigration Department, told the Zionist Leaders yesterday morning that 'the great tragedy of our generation and of Zionism is that despite the fact that "part” of the land of Israel has been returned to the Jewish people as a sovereign State, we have not yet succeeded in bringing- the people back to the State'."

Nine months later the Security Council and the General Assembly were dealing with the problem of Israel occupation of an area in the Arab lands three times the size of Israel.

33. The representative of Jordan mentioned yesterday [1401st meeting] the Lausanne Protocol of 12 May 1949, which was denounced by the Israel authorities two days later after they signed it. It is important to pay attention to this fact because it shows clearly the deep-rootedness of Israel expansionism and aggression. We are informed by the Conciliation Commission for Palestine, in its third progress report of 21 June 1949, that Israel demanded that the international frontiers of Mandatory Palestine be considered the frontiers of Israel, and that "it could not accept a certain proportionate distribution of territory agreed upon in 1947 as a criterion for a territorial settlement in present circumstances".2/ The same story is being repeated now, almost twenty-eight years later, when Israel again is asking for rectification of the borders.

34. The most revealing commentaries on the real intentions of Israel come from the Israel leaders themselves. Abba Eban himself, after the Israel war, stated in the Wall Street Journal of 10 January 1968 that "Israel would not ‘squander' the fruits of its military victory ... the old Arab-Israel frontiers had been irrevocably erased by the June war".

35. Galili, Minister without Portfolio in the Israel Cabinet, declared: "We must take steps leading to a long-range

36. Yigal Allon, the Minister of Labor, said bluntly: "The natural border of the country is the Jordan River.”

37. Menachem Begin, the hero of Deir Yassin, said: "The return of even one bit of earth to the Arabs would be a betrayal of the nation." And the recently established Movement for a Greater Israel contends that "it would be as wrong to give up the occupied areas as it would be to give up Israel itself."

38. Upon the visit of Eshkol to the United States, 130 rabbis signed a letter, published at full-page length in The New York Times, asking Israel never to cede the occupied territories because they had been "liberated" -that was, their term.

39. The word "terrorist" occurred more than once in the debate yesterday, and I feel duty bound, as have my Arab colleagues who have preceded me to this table, to bring my own clarification to the issue. If the word is used to describe the Arab people of Palestine, who have become a nation in exile, or the Arabs under the yoke of Israel occupation, then the description contradicts the references to the Arab refugees as the term has so far been used by the highest United Nations; officials and in United Nations resolutions. Thus, the Secretary-General, in the introduction to his annual report submitted to the twenty-second session General Assembly, says: "people everywhere, and this certainly applies to the Palestinian refugees, have a natural right to be in their homeland and to have a future.3/ The recognition is very clear here that we are in this case dealing with the problem of a people who have a natural right and who have a right to their homeland.

40. United Nations resolutions dealing with the problem of the Arab refugees from 1948 up to the present time have dealt with the rights of the Arab refugees and have affirmed and reaffirmed them in eighteen or nineteen resolutions that have been flouted and disregarded by the Israel Zionist authorities.

41. Furthermore, according to the records of the Mandatory Power submitted to the United Nations in 1947, the Arabs owned, when the United Nations looked into the Palestine problem, 95.4 per cent of the total area of Palestine under the Mandate, and the Jews owned 4.6 per cent. The Arabs are still the legal owners of their lands and property to which they hold legal title, while the Israelis live on the stolen property of Arab Palestinians. The rules of war in international law which deal with occupation by conquerors do not sanction this state of affairs, and the Arabs of Palestine for twenty years have never ceded their inalienable rights or accepted the conquest as a fait accompli. And more generally, within the context of the United Nations, colonialism and conquest have been de-clared wars against humanity; and the conquest by the Israelis of Arab territories is such a colonial action.

42. Nations of the world have been called upon to support the freedom fighters. Those who are resisting occupation in their own homelands are doing the right thing, doing what be done.

43. The Arabs were driven out of Palestine by terror and massacre. Hence the necessity to inquire about the real identity of the terrorists in Arab lands and those who introduced terrorism and underground movements. In doing so, I refer to the British Command Paper No. 6873 of 24 July 1946, entitled Statement of Information Relating to Acts of Violence 4/, meaning Jewish violence in Palestine, which established the very organic relationship between the Zionist underground movement and the leaders of the Jewish Agency, at that time Ben-Gurion, Moshe Sharett and others of the world Zionist organization-the same Jewish Agency which last night, in New York, under the protection of United States laws, was collecting millions of dollars for the criminals of Israel.

44. Furthermore, we have writings by Zionists and leaders of the underground movement. I refer to a book, unique of its kind in any literature of the world, entitled Memoirs of an Assassin; Confessions of a Stern Gang Killer, by Avner.5/ He gives the names of the organizations: the Haganah, the Palmach, the Irgun Zvai Leumi, the Lehi. A second important book is The Revolt; Story of the Irgun, by Menachem Begin, the hero of Deir Yassin, as I mentioned. This book was published in 1951 and contains a clear-cut refutation of what the Israeli alleged yesterday when he said: "The world knows who started the 1948 war ... against Israel." [1402nd meeting, para. 175.] Be-gin, in his own writing, stated:

"At the end of January, 1948, at a meeting of the Command of the Irgun in which the Planning Section participated, we outlined four strategic objectives: (1) Jerusalem; (2) Jaffa; (3) the Lydda-Ramleh plain; and (4) the Triangle."6/

Further on, the author's own words describe how he gave the orders to his storm-troops to invade Jaffa, which was in the Arab state-to-be:

"Men, of the Irgun! We are going out to conquer Jaffa. We are going into one of the decisive battles for the independence of Israel."7/

45 All this was before any Arab army had entered Palestine to save the Arab people who were being butchered and massacred.

46. Such is the situation with which the Arabs have been faced, a partial manifestation of which was the wanton, cowardly attack on Jordan of two days ago, the subject of the complaint into which the Security Council is looking now.

47. Again we come to the Council to ask for justice in this house of all nations. Certainly, in this moment of anxiety and concern for all the Arab States, the Arabs may be understood if they have pleaded and continued to plead for their claimed rights. Furthermore, we can expect to make our plea in an environment of understanding for the great issues of the world-war and peace, equity, and the world's faltering steps towards international law and under such law. Israel's massive, premeditated attack on Jordan con-stitutes a flagrant violation of the law of civilized nations, a violation which necessitates not only condemnation in the clearest terms but action based on the fact that no other Member State of the United Nations has been condemned by the Security Council and the General Assembly as much as Israel has been. It is high time, therefore, that the aggressor should be given his real name and condemned, and that the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter should be invoked. The world has been shocked by the attack on Jordan, and the Security Council is called upon now to face the situation and not to equate the aggressor with the victim of aggression, as we have seen or heard some members do. The responsibility of the United Nations and of the Security Council can hardly be exaggerated, and the international community is called upon to assume its full responsibility vis-a-vis this dangerous situation.

48. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): I call on the representative of Israel.

49. Mr. TEKOAH (Israel): As I listened yesterday and today to the messengers of hate, murder and terror, I could not but recall an ancient Hebrew saying: "On three things stands the world: truth, justice and peace." There was neither truth, nor justice, nor peace in the statements of the Arab representatives defending continued warfare against Israel and denying Israel the right to defend itself. As the tirades of abuse and vilification went on and on, I could not but ask myself: Who are the representatives that come before the Security Council to fling around accusations, to wave articles of the United Nations Charter, to cry out for censure of defensive action? What are the credentials of those representatives? Who is it that they represent? What policies do they personify?

50. First, there was the representative of the United Arab Republic who appeared before the Council last night as if he and his country were innocent bystanders in the tragedy of war imposed by the Arab States on the Middle East since 1948. In fact, Egypt comes before the Security Council with its hands soaked in blood, the blood of those who died on the battlefield because Egypt insists on waging war; the blood of the innocents murdered by terrorist gangs; the blood of the defenseless Egyptian Jews still lingering in concentration camps, still subjected to acts of bestiality and inhuman torture.

51. Twenty years ago, Egypt launched war against Israel in defiance of the Charter of the United Nations and the resolutions adopted by its organs. For twenty years Egypt has refused to make peace with Israel. It has been the leader in the sinister coalition of States bent on denying Israel its right to exist. Last May it was Egypt that mustered its forces and called on other Arab States to open the final assault against the Jewish State. No Government is more responsible for the events of last June than the Government of the United Arab Republic.

52. Yesterday, the representative of the United Arab Republic made it clear again that his Government will not alter its policies. What the representative of the United Arab Republic is in fact suggesting to the Security Council is that it should give sanction to the continued belligerency pursued by the Arab States, to their disregard of inter-national law, to their defiance of the United Nations Charter, to warfare by raid, sabotage and murder. In this he is echoing what is already known from public pronounce-ments of his Government.

53. In an address on 13 March 1968, President Nasser declared: "We should not rely on a political solution. What was taken by force must be returned by force."

54. On 17 March 1968, the Government radio station, Voice of the Arabs, broadcast from Cairo:

"The real problem of Palestine is Israel's existence there. As long as there is Zionist existence even in a small part of the land the occupation continues. The important thing is to eliminate the Israel occupation, and there is no difference between territories conquered recently and those occupied in the past."

On 17 March, Radio Cairo reiterated: "There will be no peace." And this morning again, the official Egyptian daily Al Ahram writes: "Terrorist raids will increase. Egypt will determine the time for attack."

55. Even more amazing is the appearance before this organ of the Permanent Representative of Syria-Syria which rejected Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, Syria which refused to receive Ambassador Jarring, Syria which imposes suffering and affliction and sadism on the Jewish communities remaining within its frontiers, Syria which does not show any qualm proclaiming that despite the Charter of the United Nations, despite its international obligations, it will persist in waging war against Israel.

56. The Foreign Minister of Syria declared only a few days ago, on 18 March: "The only way is the of the force and armed struggle." The Syrian Press and Government radio are proclaiming incessantly Syria's support for terrorist warfare against Israel. On the 13th of this month, Radio Damascus declared: "The fedayeen activities are the concrete fulfillment of the slogan of popular war." On 6 March, the Prime Minister of Syria said: "The terror will continue."

57. Then there was the Permanent Representative of Iraq abusing the intelligence of members of the Security Council by reading to us an Iraqi version of Jewish history as taught in Baghdad. He carefully avoided, however, any reference to the history of Iraq's responsibility for the Middle East war. He did not tell us how Iraqi forces joined in the war of aggression in 1948, refused to negotiate an armistice, continued to wage warfare for two decades, joined in the June fighting, and then did not accept the cease-fire called for by the Security Council. Nor did he tell the Security Council how the Iraqi forces remain till now on Jordanian territory, actively assisting in the organization, training and dispatch of marauder units against Israel.

58. It is not by accident that these countries have joined hands to complain about Israel's defensive action against terrorist raids. They are not only partners in the twenty-year war of aggression against Israel; they have ranged themselves fully behind the campaign of terror and sabotage unleashed against my country and my people.

59. It was in Cairo on 20 January 1968 that the terrorist organizations were united under a central command. It is from Egypt and Syria that many of the raiders come to join the training camps on Jordanian territory. The character of the sabotage forces, their organization, resources, location and objectives have been known to the Israel defense authorities. The existence of those bases and their activities have been common and public knowledge in Jordan. Members of the terrorist bands have moved freely throughout the country, armed and frequently in uniform. Their commanders have identified themselves readily and have given interviews to local and foreign journalists.

60. The Jordanian authorities knew perfectly well what was going on. They cannot now shirk responsibility, despite the efforts made in this Council by the representative of Jordan. When the Israel units which took part in yesterday's action crossed the Jordan, they knew precisely where to find the saboteur bases and who the raiders were. When they found them, they were faced with men fully armed, and those were the only ones they engaged. Every effort was made not to harm anyone else.

61. The following is a preliminary report of what the Israel forces found yesterday on the east bank of the Jordan. It has been proved beyond doubt that Karameh has ceased to be a civilian settlement and had been transformed into one huge terrorist base. There are hardly any civilians in it. The civilian population had evacuated it because the presence of the saboteurs made normal civilian life impossible. Israel forces found there nine separate centers, including two headquarters units, a training base, four
subsidiary bases, a supply base and personnel encampments.Extremely large quantities of arms and ammunition were found; they numbered several thousand pieces, including mortars, machine-guns, bazookas, rifles, submachine-guns, ammunition, tons of explosives and many different kinds of mines.

62. It is now established that the chief command of Al-Fatah has been transferred from Syria to Karameh. It has been established that Yassir Arafat, otherwise known as Abu Amar, the El-Fatah leader, was present in the headquarters in Karameh and fled as the battle commenced.

63. A base of the Palestine Liberation Organization was also found there. It too contained large quantities of arms and explosives. Underground bunkers organized on a war footing were found. The whole place was under the complete control of the terrorists, who also maintained there a prison into which young men who refused to join their ranks.

64. The few civilian inhabitants who remained were forced to pay dues to El-Fatah. Among the documents which were found were leave passes of Iraqi Regiment No. 421. Among those who were detained were persons who had been trained in Egypt.

65. It is also known for certain that some of the El-Fatah commanders received their military training in Communist China, among them, William Nasser, who is now under arrest in Israel for his part in the Abu Gosh murder of a Druse watchman.

66. It is established that the number of members of the terrorist organization in the Karameh area was approximately 1,000.

67. Interrogated persons admitted that they had planned to perpetrate at the end of this month penetrations on a local scale directed at military and civilian objectives, including hospitals.

68. The terrorists engaged our forces severely. There was much snipping and bomb-throwing from the houses. Many of the Persons we have detained have admitted to active membership in these terrorist organizations.

69. In the southern sector the picture was similar, though on a smaller scale. There too the El-Fatah members put up a strong resistance. Arms, explosives and documents were found.

70. These are not local inhabitants of the west bank or the Gaza area, as some of the Arab representatives here have tried to suggest. These are trained military marauders sent in from the outside to kill, to mine and to destroy. They do not enjoy the support of the local population. They act contrary to the interests of the local population.

71. Indeed, the terrorists' operations from across the cease-fire lines were directed to a considerable extent against Arab inhabitants who had refused to co-operate with them. In fact, it was the opposition of the local population to terrorist activities that was largely responsible for the establishment of bases and training camps not in areas under Israel control but in neighboring countries, especially in Jordan.

72. The local population, the local Arab population, dissociates itself from these intruders and desires only one thing: to live at peace with its neighbors.

73. The picture which some of the Arab representatives try to paint here of the situation in the areas under Israel jurisdiction is completely contrary to the facts. I have refuted their allegations repeatedly. Allow me to quote from an article by the Foreign Editor of the Financial Times of London, Mr. J.D.E. Jones, which appeared in that newspaper's issue of 28 February 1968:

". . . the fact remains that for the first time ever the Arabs are travelling in large numbers to and fro between Israel and Arab territory.

". . . It is a development arguably more important than any of the other aspects of the Middle East situation

"Some 30,000 people have already taken advantage of this, and presumably they can and do report to the east bank that they are not being slaughtered by the Israelis, that the west bank is prospering agriculturally, that the El-Fatah terrorists are making no serious impact on the life of the west bank."

74. The Mayor of Hebron, Sheik Muhammed Ali Jabari, an appointee of the Jordanian Government, now called by King Hussein for consultations with him in Amman, stated at a public gathering of Arab notables from the west bank:

"I swear by Allah that no Israel soldiers harmed any of our residents. Before the war began, we expected a mutual slaughter between our people and the Israel Army. You can imagine how pleasant was our surprise on 8 June when we discovered that the victorious army was a well-organized, disciplined body like the armies of the West. Since that great day our attitude towards Israel has changed, and we co-operate in an attempt to solve once and for all the painful and complicated Palestine problem."

75. As I have already pointed out, we can understand that this situation may not be to the liking of' some Arab Governments. After all, for twenty years they have fed the Arab inhabitants with hate and war propaganda, inciting them to violence, enmity and destruction. Now, to their surprise and disappointment, they see that Jew and Arab can live side by side in peace and work together for the good and welfare of their peoples and the entire region.

76. The Israel-Arab conflict is not a conflict between the Israel and Arab peoples. It is a conflict between those Arab Governments and those Arab leaders who believe that war and military adventurism means strength. They delude themselves. Let them consider the lessons of the last two decades. Let them ask their peoples, those who demonstrate in Cairo and Halwan, those in the towns and villages of Jordan's east bank. Let them ask the people of Hebron and Jericho and Gaza. Let them ask the soldiers in their armies. Do they want peace or war? Do they want the continuation of bloodshed to please irresponsible leaders, or do they pray for the bliss and security of peace.

77. Yesterday morning, Mr. President, I requested you to convene an urgent meeting of the Security Council to seek relief from the campaign of raids, murder and sabotage carried out against Israel from Jordanian territory. I also informed you of the measures Israel was compelled to take against the bases and training centers of the raiders. No distortions, no name-calling, in whatever language, will change the character of these measures nor the gravity of the warfare that made them necessary. It is this warfare that is the central factor in the situation of tension and danger prevailing in the area. It is this warfare by bomb, by dynamite, by mine, it is this warfare by stealth and murderous stratagem that we ask the Security Council to help terminate.

78. We have come to you despite our experience in this organ in the past; we have come to you despite the fact that a third of your membership has no diplomatic relation with us and identifies itself fully with the Arab position; we have come to you despite our misgivings and our forebodings in the hope that this time we shall find the Council considerate of our grievances, attentive to the mortal dangers confronting us. We hope that this time we will not be turned away from this organ. Much Jewish blood had been spilled. The people of Israel, and indeed the world, are still waiting to hear what the Security Council has to say about it.

79. Our complaint brought before you yesterday is simple as is our request to the Security Council to act on this complaint. We urge the Council not to remain silent on the sanguinary campaign of raids, murder and sabotage to which my people are being subjected. We ask the Council to raise its voice to condemn warfare by whatever means. We come to the Council seeking the Council's help to put an end to bloodshed and to move forward to peace and security, the only salvation for the nations in the Middle East.

80. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): Following consultations that I have just held, and with the consent of the Council, I propose to adjourn this meeting now and reconvene it this afternoon at 4 o'clock.

The meeting rose at 1.35 p.m.

1/ Geneva Convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war of 12 August 1949. See United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75 (1950), No. 973, pp. 310 and 322.

2/ See Official Records of the General Assembly, Fourth Session, Ad Hoc Political Committee, Annex, Vol. 11, document A/927,. para. 33. consolidation, lest we be considered a temporary, transient factor in the occupied areas."

3/ Ibid., Twenty-second Session, Supplement No. 1A, para. 49.

4/ London, His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1946

5/ New York, T. Yoseloff, 1959

6/ New York, Schuman, 1951, p.348

7/ Ibid., p.354/

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