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Division for Palestinian Rights (DPR)
31 December 1995
DEVELOPMENTS RELATED TO THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS
Issue 5 - December 1995
Excerpts from a speech by King Hussein before the Jordanian Parliament,
Amman, 2 December 1995 1
Remarks by President Clinton and Prime Minister Peres at a White House press conference,
Washington, D.C., 11 December 1995 1
Address by Prime Minister Shimon Peres before a joint session of the United States Congress,
Washington, D.C., 12 December 1995 3
Summary of an address by the Director-General of the Israeli Foreign Ministry
at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy,
Washington, D.C., 12 December 1995 8
Text of a European Council statement on the Middle East peace process,
Madrid, 16 December 1995 10
New York, January 1996
Since April 1991, at the request of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, the Division for Palestinian Rights of the United Nations Secretariat has prepared a compilation of statements, declarations, documents and other material pertaining to the various aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the question of Palestine and the Middle East peace process entitled "Approaches towards the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the question of Palestine".
In January 1994, the bulletin was renamed "Developments related to the Middle East peace process". It includes information material related to the bilateral Arab-Israeli peace negotiations, the multilateral negotiations on Middle East regional issues, and other aspects of the Middle East peace process.
This issue covers the month of December 1995.
Excerpts from a speech by King Hussein before the Jordanian Parliament,
Amman, 2 December 1995
On 2 December 1995, at Amman, King Hussein of Jordan made a speech at the inauguration of the 12th session of the Jordanian Parliament. The following are excerpts from the speech:
"We provided to our Palestinian brethren the umbrella, which subsequently led to their being accepted as a central and independent negotiating side. Our brethren then chose to achieve their rights through direct negotiations. They reached an agreement with the Israeli side, the various aspects of which continue to seriously unfold today. The vision of an independent Palestinian entity draws nearer - an entity which we hope will assume its expected role on the Arab scene. We will remain to be a source of support for, and assistance to our Palestinian brethren until they attain their rights in full.
"Honourable Senators, Honourable Deputies: We fuin an atmosphere of democracy and moderation. The Amman Economic Summit was the crowning achievement of our efforts in this regard, and came as a natural result of the era of peace. Through the coordinated efforts of those dedicated Jordanians from all walks of life, form the public as well as the private sectors, all working in the spirit of one team, Jordan was able to highlight its civilized accomplishments in terms of preparation, organization, and presentation of feasible projects.
"The summit was an overwhelming success by all accounts, and it is our sincere hope that our people will feel the fruits of these efforts, and the results of this endeavour in the few years ahead. This can be achieved through providing more basic services, attracting numerous investments, creating new job opportunities, and developing the national economy in a way that would guarantee the enhancement of our beloved country's potential and provide the basic needs of citizens and realize their hopes for a better future."
Remarks by President Clinton and Prime Minister Peres
at a White House press conference,
Washington, D.C., 11 December 1995
On 11 December 1995, during a White House press conference, the following opening remarks were made by the United States President Bill Clinton and Prime Minister of Israel Shimon Peres:
"Please be seated. Good afternoon. It's a pleasure to welcome Prime Minister Peres back to the White House. For as long as there has been a prospect of peace in the Middle East, Shimon Peres has stood at the forefront, striving to bring a new day of security and harmony to the people of Israel and to all the people of the region.
"From his early years as one of the architects of Israel's defence, he has devoted himself to ensuring the security of his nation. And from his first term as Prime Minister in the mid-1980s, through the negotiations that led to the signing here of the Declaration of Principles with the Palestinians, to the peace of the Araba with Jordan, to the Interim Accord ceremony just two and a half months ago, Shimon Peres has been a visionary for peace. He has seen the way. He has been a leader on the path to peace. And time and again he has been proven right.
"One of the very last things Yitzhak Rabin said was that Shimon Peres was his full partner in forging peace. With those words and the memory of my friend in mind, let me renew now the pledge I first made to Prime Minister Rabin at the beginning of my presidency.
"Mr. Prime Minister, as Israel continues to take risks for a lasting and comprehensive peace the United States will stand with you to minimize those risks and to ensure your success. And I pledge to you personally, Shimon, that I will be your partner in peace.
"Until an assassin's bullet cut short his life, Prime Minister Rabin rose time and again to the challenges of peace. The United States knows that, just as he has in the past, Prime Minister Peres will do so as well. It is a measure of how much has changed in the Middle East that on his journey here the Prime Minister met with King Hussein, President Mubarak, and Chairman Arafat, and that on his trip home he will visit with King Hussein of Morocco.
"I have been especially encouraged to hear the Prime Minister talk about the progress in redeploying forces. He reviewed for me his meeting with Chairman Arafat, who reaffirmed his commitment to building upon and implementing the Declaration of Principles and the Interim Agreement.
"The key to a lasting settlement in the Middle East is achieving peace between Israel and Syria, and Israel and Lebanon. Today, Prime Minister Peres and I agreed to redouble our efforts to achieve these goals. We agree that to close the circle of peace it will take more intensive and more practical negotiations. Each side will need to make a greater effort to take account of the others concerns. The United States stands ready to help to bring the parties together and to work with them in the negotiations. Peace is our mission. And the Prime Minister and I are determined that nothing - nothing - will deter us from this task in the weeks and the months ahead.
"Today, I have also spoken with President Assad of Syria about our talks here in Washington. President Assad told me he was committed to do his best to move the peace process forward and to reach an early agreement between Syria and Israel. He also agreed to my proposal that Secretary Christopher travel to the region next week to consult with him on the next steps we will take together.
"We, of course, recognize that the differences will not disappear immediately. Great hurdles must be overcome. But an Israel-Syria settlement is worth our every effort. It would end the Arab-Israeli conflict. It would establish a comprehensive peace. It could transform the face of the entire Middle East and the lives of all its inhabitants.
"That was Yitzhak Rabin's dream. Here at the White House, that soldier of peace said, "enough of blood and tears". The United States is heartened that Shimon Peres will carry on. And together, we will work to fulfil Yitzhak Rabin's legacy.
"Mr. Prime Minister, as you go forward, the United States will go with you, and proudly."2
Prime Minister Peres
"Mr. President, Mr. Vice President, Mr. Secretary of State, ladies and gentlemen. Let me say from my heart that we are so moved by the American participation in our great sadness when Prime Minister Rabin was assassinated. Mr. President, you have led a most unusual delegation that moved our heart.
"The President himself, two former Presidents, the Secretary of State, two former secretaries, the leaders of the Senate, of the House of Representatives, and important - of journalists, of leaders. There was greatness in the sadness as Prime Minister Rabin was assassinated because he was right, not because he was wrong.
"And may I say, ladies and gentlemen, that President Clinton did something most unusual. He has added an expression to the Israeli dictionary - Shalom, khaver. It is a very unusual combination. And for ones who don't understand Hebrew, let me say, the Russians are saying, "a comrade," which I know exactly what it is; the Americans are saying "a friend," which I understand what it is; but the Israelis are saying "khaver," which means togetherness. And since the President has used this word, we feel more together. We feel that we have an enriched dictionary among ourselves, and between the United States of America and us. Believe me, I speak on behalf of all the Israelis for this enrichment of expression and feelings.
"Thank you very much."
Address by Prime Minister Shimon Peres before
a joint session of the United States Congress,
Washington, D.C., 12 December 1995
On 12 December 1995, at Washington, D.C., the Prime Minister of Israel Shimon Peres made the following statement before a joint session of the United States Congress:
"Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my very dear friends, I stand before you stunned and humbled. It was but a year ago that on this very podium there stood before you, in a partnership of hope, King Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. And Rabin is no more.
"It was only 2 years ago that President Bill Clinton hosted Chairman Arafat and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, and we all witnessed a historic handshake. And Yitzhak has gone.
"Two weeks and twenty years ago Lyndon Baines Johnson stood on this very spot and said, `All I have, I would have given gladly not to be standing here today.'
"Mr. Speaker, all I have, I would have given gladly not to be standing here today. My senior partner is gone.
"Now, he belongs to the ages. He will enter them as a great leader, as a great soldier, a captain of peace who was assassinated because he was right. That was the reason.
"I shared with him days of worry and grief. I shared with him hours of reflection and decision. We complemented each other in a determined pursuit of the only objective worthy of the task bestowed upon us by the people of Israel: to carve a new era of security in peace, to build bridges across an Arab-Israeli divide, an impossible divide. And he, the captain, is no more.
"You, dear friends, have honoured him in life with an intimate, bipartisan friendship to the man, to the land, to the cause he represented. You have honoured him in death with your unprecedented presence which moved our hearts.
"May I tell you that the fact that the President, two former Presidents, a Secretary of State, two former Secretaries of State, the leaders of the Senate and the House and many of the Members came on this very sad day to stand at our side is an unforgettable experience in our life. We really thank you. It was great on your part; it will be unforgettable in our history.
"Hence, I stand before you with one assignment: In the shadowy light of those candles, in the tearful eyes of our young generation, I heard their appeal, nay, the order, `Carry on. Carry on.'
"This is my task.
"I stand before you with one overriding commitment: to yield to no threats, to stop at no obstacle in negotiating the hurdles ahead, in seeking security for our people, peace for our land and tranquility for our region. And in so doing, I ask you, ladies and gentlemen, for your support, and first and foremost, your moral support. That is what counts mostly.
"Nothing but your own conscience is your guide. Your faith in the Almighty and the moral imperative that guides you.
"Yitzhak and I were always firm believers in the greatness of America, in the ethic and generosity inherent in your history, in your people. For us, the United States of America is a commitment to values before an expression of might.
"For us, the vast discovery of America is its Constitution even more than its continent, the Constitution enriched by its biblical foundation.
"From our school days we remembered the proposal of John Adams that the imagery of ancient Israel captivated the Constitutional Congress in 1776.
"We recalled Benjamin Franklin's idea to incorporate in the Great Seal of the new Confederation the image of Moses raising his staff, dividing the Red Sea.
"We remembered Thomas Jefferson suggesting that the image of the children of Israel struggling through the wilderness, led by a pillar of cloud by day, by a pillar of fire by night, that this image be the symbol of the young Republic, to become the Great Republic.
"History did not stop there. The cloud and the fire have accompanied the human experience in this, the most difficult century in the annals of mankind.
"As the end of the 20th century is nearing, it could verily be described as the American century, yes, the century of America.
"America nurtured a way of life that has made competitive creativeness the engine of economic development practically in every corner of the world. The United States has built strength, has used strength to save the globe from three of its greatest menaces: the Nazi tyranny, the Japanese militarism, and the Communist challenge.
"You did it. You brought freedom. You defended it.
"Even in this very day, as Bosnia reels in agony, you offered a compass and a lamp to a confused situation like in the Middle East. Nobody else was able or was ready to do it.
"You enabled many nations to save their democracies even as you strive now to assist nations to free themselves from their nondemocratic past.
"Your sons and daughters fought many wars. Your great armies won many victories. Yet wars did not cause you to lose heart, just as triumphs did not corrupt your system.
"America remains unspoiled because she has rejected the spoils of victory.
"You have a great Constitution, a vast land, a pluralistic civilization. Israel is a small land, 47 years young, 4,000 years deep.
"Thanks to the support you have given and to the aid you have rendered, we have been able to overcome wars and tragedies thrust upon us and feel today strong enough to take measured risks to wage a campaign for peace together with you.
"Let me assure you that never shall we ask your sons and daughters to fight instead of us, just as we have never asked you to do so in the past. We shall do our task; we shall enjoy your support.
"Indeed, even as I speak before you now, Israeli troops are parting from Palestinian towns and villages in a historic departure, intending never to return there as occupiers. We do not want to occupy anybody.
"This, for us, is a victory of moral commitment and for the Palestinians a victory of self-respect. For the first time, they are governing themselves and we are governing ourselves too.
"Nobody forced us to do so. Nobody forced us to take these measures, and Israel is neither weak nor afraid. Our choice was freely made.
"What we have accomplished, in resonance of your own tradition, we have given, like you, preference to a biblical ethic. We are true to the old pages.
"Yet like you, we have rejected the temptation to rule over another people, even though we possess the force to do so.
"Before coming here, I visited King Hussein, a real friend of the United States. We discussed the possibilities of transforming the Jordan Rift Valley, which is in fact an elongated, extended desert, into a Tennessee Valley. We learned from you again.
"In a single bold sweep, we are and remain resolved to turn back the desert, to stop the war, and to end the hatred once and forever.
"I then met with President Mubarak in a highly congenial atmosphere. We agreed to put aside certain bitter memories and to postpone certain disputed issues for a future date. We have time in the future to disagree; now we have to agree.
"Then I met Chairman Arafat, and his expression of condolence had the ring of a sincere desire for peace. May I tell you that nothing convinced the Israeli people about the sincerity of the Arabs seeking peace more than the sympathy and condolence they expressed when they learned about the assassination of Rabin, a sad event, a revealing sentiment.
"Arafat is engaged in the new realities of his people and he has conveyed to me the solemn promise to intensify his fight against terror, which is, today, as much a danger to him as it is to the peace we are committed together to achieve.
"I, on my part, have promised to release prisoners in our custody, as we did agree, so as to enable them to participate in free elections scheduled for the first time in history, to take place on January 20, 1996.
"As far as we are concerned, democracy, and that includes Palestinian democracy, is the best and probably the only guarantee for a real and durable peace. Freedom supports this.
"I believe in this prospect. Three years ago, such a prospect would have been considered a fantasy; that was part of the accusation against me. Now reality is on our side.
"All this would hardly have been attainable were it not for the American involvement and the support of those efforts. President Clinton and his administration, the leadership and the Members of the Congress, practically all of them, the American people at large, have made possible the dawn of peace to rise again over the ancient horizon, over the ancient skies of the Promised Land, to bring promise again to the land.
"And by so doing, you have removed the terrifying prospect of evil hands grabbing hold of unconventional weapons.
"Mr. Speaker, Members of Congress, international terrorism is a threat to us all. Fundamentalism with a nuclear bomb is the nightmare of our age. We have to stop it.
"We understood that in order to ready ourselves to confront the new dangers, we would have to put a stop to the enmity with our neighbours. In our time, more than there are new enemies, there are new dangers. The dangers of our days are not confined to borders; they are common to all of us, Moslems, Christians, and Jews alike. Therefore, we have to try to achieve a comprehensive peace.
"Peace with Syria and Lebanon, the two remaining adversaries on our borders, may well prove to be the greatest contribution to the construction of a new Middle East, of a new era in the Middle East.
"I must admit that the hurdles are many. We have to negotiate mountains of suspicion. We have to traverse chasms of prejudice. We have to find solutions to an array of genuinely conflicting interests. They are not artificial.
"Israel, for its part, is ready to go, to try and do it.
"In October next year Israel will go to elections. I here declare that the decision to strive for peace shall be pursued regardless of it. To win peace is more important than to win elections.
"We shall try wholeheartedly, we shall try to forge the peace with Syria and Lebanon expeditiously so that before the curtain of the 20th century shall fall, we shall see, all of us, the emergence of a Middle East of peace.
"Mr. Speaker, with your permission, therefore, I would like to use this podium, with your permission, ladies and gentlemen, to turn to President Assad of Syria and say to him:
"`Without forgetting the past, let us not look back. Let fingertips touch a new untested hope.'
"Let each party yield to the other, each giving consideration to the respective needs of the other, mutually so, him to us, we to him. Without illusion, but with resolve, we shall stand ready to make demanding decisions if you are, if Assad is.
"We shall negotiate relentlessly until all gaps are bridged, if you are, if Assad is.
"I believe we face a historic opportunity, perhaps of galloping pace. If we shall find the language of peace between us, we can bring peace to all of us. Surely nothing would capture the imagination of young people everywhere more than a gathering of all of us standing together and declaring, and when I say all of us, I mean all of the leaders of the Middle East, all the 20 of them, not one-by-one, but together, and declaring the end of war, the end of conflict, carrying the message to our forefathers and to our grandchildren that we are again, all of us, the sons and daughters of Abraham, living in a tent of peace again. We shall tell them, together as partners, we are going to build a new Middle East, a prosperous economy, that we are going to raise the standard of living, not the standard of violence. We have enough violence, not enough the-right-way-to-live.
"What we are going to introduce is light and hope to our people, to their destinies.
"Mr. Speaker, permit me a personal word. In my country I have shouldered almost every responsibility. I have tasted almost every title. I have served almost in every position. Today I wish only one thing: to bear the burden of peacemaking.
"In the last moment of his life, we stood together to the very last moment, his happiest moment of life, Yitzhak Rabin stood in the Tel Aviv square, me standing on his side and singing, he was singing the song of peace.
"The singer, alas, is not with us. The song remains. You cannot kill the song of peace.
"Now, distinguished Members of the Congress, I say it sincerely, that I have come here for your advice and consent. I hazard the thought that the world cannot permit itself to be without American leadership in these trying times. Not in the Middle East or in other places.
"America, in my judgment, cannot escape what history has laid on your shoulders, on the shoulders of each of you. You cannot escape that which America alone can do. America alone can keep the world free and assist nations to assume the responsibility for their own fate.
"Please continue. Go ahead and do it as you did for the whole century; the next century is awaiting your leadership was well.
"In this spirit, I can do no better than quote what Yitzhak Rabin said to you when he stood on this rostrum a year ago and he said:
`No words can express our gratitude to you for the years of your generous support, understanding and cooperation which are all but beyond compare in modern history.' And then he said, `Thank you, America.'
"I, too, say it: Thank you, America, for what you are, for what you have been, for what you shall be. And in so doing, I shall conclude with a prayer:
"May the Almighty spread His wings of loving kindness and His tabernacle of peace over the Land of Israel. May He grant His light and truth to all of the leaders of our region, to all of the leaders of America, to the leaders of our time. And You give peace in the land and eternal joy for its habitants.
"Mr. Speaker, thank you very much."
Summary of an address by the Director-General of the Israeli Foreign Ministry
at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy,
Washington, D.C., 12 December 1995
On 12 December 1995, at Washington, D.C., Mr. Uri Savir, the Director-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel, spoke at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. The following is the Rapporteur's summary of his address entitled ■Israel and the peace process since the Rabin assassination■:
"Political `Jet Lag'
"Today too many observers take progress in the peace process for granted. The same day that President Clinton and Prime Minister Peres had concrete discussions on Israeli-Syrian peace, followed by a substantive phone conversation between Clinton and Syrian President Assad about how to move the process forward, Israeli troops redeployed from Nablus, the largest Palestinian town in the West Bank. None of these events, however, made the front page of `The New York Times.' Peres's visit to the United States was preceded by a historic set of meetings with PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat, Egyptian President Mubarak, and Jordan's King Hussein; these meetings were hardly even mentioned in the Israeli press.
"Too many people - Israelis, Arabs, and Americans - seem to fail to comprehend the extent of the transformation now underway in the Middle East. Similarly, there seems to be a lack of understanding by `experts' of the basic reasons for the speed and depth of this change.
"As experts were looking at differences in the positions articulated by Middle Eastern leaders, they were ignoring the common needs of Middle Eastern peoples. To view any Arab leader as omnipotent is to disregard the fact that in every Arab society there is a call by people to address basic social, political, and economic needs. From Arafat to Assad, leaders know that fulfilling these needs is in their national interest and is essential to their survival, and they factor this into their peace policies.
"Peace with Palestinians: The Point of No Return
"Though the process of reconciliation between Israelis and Palestinians is not over, there is no turning back. Within the next ten days Israel will redeploy from four major cities. After December 28, 1995, all Palestinians will be accountable to the Palestinian Authority. The option of a Greater Israel will then have been precluded; Palestinian actions will henceforth be analyzed on their own merits rather than as reactions to Israeli policy.
"Oslo is succeeding because it followed the right basic premise: Palestinians must rule their own lives, as Israel relieves itself of the heavy moral and political burden of ruling Palestinians. In this sense, each side has benefited. However, the two sides still need to transform the Rabin-Arafat breakthrough into a process where the two societies develop a degree of empathy for each other. While keeping in mind the enormous achievements made so far, it is important to remember how large loom the obstacles that lie ahead.
"Peace with Jordan and Egypt
"The Israeli-Jordanian reconciliation reflected the success of a peace based on national interest and economic reality. Though it is difficult to get economic projects off the ground, the Amman summit showed the magnitude of change in the Middle East. Ironically, in this process of transformation, the normally cautious business community is leading the way, while the far-thinking intellectuals are the most reactionary element. With Egypt, Israel's challenge is to transform a peace that was made in the 1970's on political and strategic grounds into a peace based on the economic and social needs of each society.
"Peace with Syria: The Challenges Ahead
"Peace between Israel and Syria will be achieved because neither has a better alternative. Just as peace could not have begun without the Palestinians, it cannot be completed without the Syrians, given their unique role in the Arab world. However, there are numerous obstacles to overcome. The Syrian-Israeli equation today is one of fundamental hostility. This equation is reflected in all of the issues on the bargaining table: the territorial and strategic dimensions, the continuing violence and terrorism, the non-recognition of legitimate interests, and the lack of any constructive relationship. Prime Minister Peres's strategy is to transform the equation of hostility in all of its components. Peace with Syria must be built on political, economic, and social needs that today define national interest.
"The equation of peace with Syria demands that the parties fulfil the requirements of `full peace.' The multilateral process - `the underground peace process' - which began in Madrid and has proceeded quietly but with great success, illustrates an aspect of full peace in that it demonstrated the ability of past enemies to cooperate on an ongoing basis in a regional context. For an Israeli-Syrian peace treaty to succeed it must meet three tests: it must reflect each country's national interest; it must prevent war through credible security arrangements; and it must integrate the two partners in a wider regional framework. Peace with Syria can fit into a puzzle of existing economic relationships forged through the Amman process, the Barcelona process, and the multilaterals.
"Just as Israel and all its partners came to the conclusion that peace is a way to address their people's needs, Syria will do the same. Israelis must stop asking whether peace with Syria will be `warm' or `cold'; the barometer of peace with Syria will be how it reflects each country's self-interest.
"The lack of a breakthrough since Madrid is a result of the length of time it has taken to redefine national interest. It also reflects a problem in the modalities; the process needs a flexible framework in which all the issues - bilateral and regional relations, Lebanon, security, economic ties, and the timetable for withdrawal - are addressed together. This can be done through a multidimensional approach - different level of negotiations addressing different topics of negotiations.
"In the end, peace with Syria will remove a strategic threat to Israel. Through each party acting in its own self-interest, Israel and Syria can make peace and establish a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict. Syrian behaviour - highlighted by Assad's decision not to upset the Palestinian and Jordanian tracks - shows that he understands and recognizes these new realities. That recognition, coupled with Israel's underlying strength, promises to transform the region, despite the objective obstacles that remain on the path to peace.
"US Role in the Peace Process
"The US role in the pursuit of Arab-Israeli peace is essential. Those who derogate the US contribution to the achievements since Madrid are woefully mistaken - nothing would have been accomplished without active and consistent US engagement. The Clinton administration has been especially supportive; this is the first administration that promised not to impose its views on the regional parties and fulfilled that promise to the letter, acting in the full spirit of honest broker. In the future, the United States will continue to be essential, though it may be more prominent in the post-negotiation period than in the bargaining period itself. There are some issues that can only be settled through direct negotiations. In the long run, Washington's role in promoting economic investment will be an essential component of securing peace. As for US-Israeli strategic relations, this remains a cornerstone of the bilateral relationship and a key element of the peace equation. At this point in time, however, Israel has made no request to formalize this in a mutual defence treaty."
Text of a European Council statement on the Middle East peace process,
Madrid, 16 December 1995
The following statement was issued by the European Council at its summit meeting held on 15-16 December 1995, at Madrid:
"The European Council welcomes the Interim Agreement between the PLO, signed in Washington on 28 September.
"The European Council deeply regrets the tragic assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and supports the undertaking given by the new Prime Minister, Mr. Peres, to take the peace process forward with the same resolve. It accordingly appeals for rapid progress to be made on the Syrian track and for all parties to step up their efforts to reach a comprehensive, just and lasting peace.
"It welcomes the rapid disbursement of the EIB loans for ECU 250 million granted to the Palestinian Authority, and hopes that the Commission will submit to it, at the earliest opportunity, draft directives for negotiating an agreement with the EU. It similarly welcomes the implementation of the measures needed to coordinate the monitoring of the Palestinian elections.
"It notes with satisfaction the progress made at the Amman Economic Summit and trusts that positive results will be achieved at the Ministerial Conference for Economic Assistance to the Palestinian People, to be held in Paris on 9 January 1996."
* * *
1. Foreign Broadcast Information Service,
Daily Report: Near East & South Asia
, No. FBIS-NES-95-232, 4 December 1995, pp. 50-51.
2. Release of the Office of the Press Secretary, The White House, 11 December 1995 (via Internet).
3. Congressional Record: December 12, 1995 (House), pp. H14256-14257. From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov.]; also FBIS-NES-95-239, 13 December 1995, pp. 37-39.
4. Israel Information Service Gopher, Information Division, Israel Foreign Ministry, Jerusalem, 12 December 1995 (via Internet) [
5. As per the text provided on 5 January 1996 by the Delegation of the European Commission to the United Nations.