Department of Public Information · News Coverage Service ·
4 May 2004
PRESS CONFERENCE BY MIDDLE EAST QUARTET (RUSSIAN FEDERATION,
UNITED STATES, EUROPEAN UNION, UNITED NATIONS) NEW YORK, 4 MAY 2004
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you for waiting. Let me now read you what the Quartet has agreed:
We reaffirm our commitment to our shared vision of two States living side by side in peace and security. One of those States will be Israel and the other a viable, democratic, sovereign and contiguous Palestine.
We call on both parties to take steps to fulfil their obligations under the roadmap, as called for in Security Council resolution 1515 and in our previous statements, and to meet the commitments they made at the Red Sea Summits in Aqaba and
In that context, we welcome the Israeli Government’s recent reaffirmation of its readiness to implement certain obligations under the
, including progress towards a freeze on settlement activity. We urge the Israeli Government to implement these commitments, and to fully meet its roadmap obligations.
We view the present situation in the Middle East with great concern. We condemn the continuing terror attacks on Israel, and call on the Palestinian Authority to take immediate action against terrorist groups and individuals who plan and execute such attacks.
While recognizing Israel’s legitimate right to self-defence in the face of terrorist attacks against its citizens, within the parameters of international humanitarian law, we call on the Government of Israel to exert maximum efforts to avoid civilian casualties.
We also call on the Government of Israel to take all possible steps now, consistent with Israel’s legitimate security needs, to ease the humanitarian and economic plight of the Palestinian people, including increasing freedom of movement for people and goods both within and from the West Bank and Gaza, removing checkpoints, and other steps to respect the dignity of the Palestinian people and improve their quality of life.
The Government of Israel should take no actions undermining trust such as deportation, attacks on civilians, confiscation and/or demolition of Palestinian homes and property, and other measures specified in the Tenet work plan. The Quartet calls for renewed efforts to reach a comprehensive cease fire as a step towards dismantlement of terrorist capabilities and infrastructure, and renewed progress towards peace through implementation of the road map.
We note the Government of Israel’s pledge that the barrier is a security rather than a political barrier and should be temporary rather than permanent. We continue to note with great concern the actual and proposed route of the barrier, particularly as it results in the confiscation of Palestinian land, cuts off the movement of people and goods, and undermines Palestinians’ trust in the roadmap process by appearing to prejudge the final borders of a future Palestinian State.
We took positive note of Prime Minister Sharon’s announced intention to withdraw from all Gaza settlements and parts of the West Bank. This should provide a rare moment of opportunity in the search for peace in the Middle East. This initiative, which must lead to a full Israeli withdrawal and complete end of occupation in Gaza, can be a step towards achieving the two-State vision; and could restart progress on the roadmap.
We further note that any unilateral initiatives by the Government of Israel should be undertaken in a manner consistent with the roadmap, and with the two-State vision that underlies the roadmap. We reaffirm President Bush’s June 24, 2002 call for an end to the Israeli occupation that began in 1967, through a settlement negotiated between the parties.
We also note that no party should take unilateral actions that seek to predetermine issues that can only be resolved through negotiation and agreement between the two parties.
Any final settlement on issues such as borders and refugees must be mutually agreed to by Israelis and Palestinians, based on Security Council resolutions
, the terms of reference of the Madrid peace process, previous agreements, and the initiative of Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah endorsed by the Beirut Arab League Summit. It must also be consistent with the roadmap.
We have agreed to undertake the following steps, with appropriate mechanisms established to monitor progress and performance by all sides:
1. We will act on an urgent basis, in conjunction with the World Bank, the UN Special Coordinator (UNSCO) and the Ad-hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC), on the basis of a World Bank/UNSCO rapid-assessment study, to ensure that Palestinian humanitarian needs are met, Palestinian infrastructure is restored and developed, and economic activity is reinvigorated.
2. We are prepared to engage with a responsible and accountable Palestinian leadership, committed to reform and security performance. The Quartet members will undertake to oversee and monitor progress on these fronts.
3. We will seek to ensure that arrangements are put in place to ensure security for Palestinians and Israelis, as well as freedom of movement, and greater mobility and access, for Palestinians. We underscore the need for agreed, transparent arrangements with all sides on access, mobility and safety for international organizations, and for bilateral donors and their personnel.
As Israel withdraws, custody of Israeli-built infrastructure and land evacuated by Israel should be transferred, through an appropriate mechanism, to a reorganized Palestinian Authority, which – in coordination with representatives of Palestinian civil society, the Quartet, and other representatives of the international community – will as quickly as possible determine equitable and transparent arrangements for the ultimate disposition of these areas.
4. Effective security arrangements continue to be critical to any possibility of progress. Palestinian security services should be restructured and retrained, consistent with the roadmap, to provide law and order and security to the Palestinians, and to end terror attacks against Israel.
Finally, we reaffirm our commitment to a just, comprehensive, and lasting settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict, based on resolutions 242 and 338. We remind all parties of the need to take into account the long-term consequences of their actions, and of their obligation to make rapid progress towards resumption of a political dialogue.
An appropriate coordinating and oversight mechanism will be established, under the Quartet’s authority.
We call on all States in the region to exert every effort to promote peace and to combat terrorism.
Thank you very much. We will now take your questions.
: My question is to Secretary Powell. Sir, what is the purpose of this group, when George Bush and Ariel Sharon are making deals on their own that seem to have rendered much of the work of this group irrelevant?
(United States of America): I don’t think that the exchange of letters between Prime Minister Sharon and President Bush has done any such thing. If you look carefully at the exchange of letters and statements of President Bush and Prime Minister Sharon, you will see a commitment to not prejudging final status issues. You will see a commitment to final status issues being resolved by agreement between the two parties. You will see a commitment to 242, 338 and the other relevant resolutions. You will see a commitment to the roadmap process. Nothing anticipated doing as we go forward will be inconsistent with the roadmap. So if you read carefully what the President said and what he put into the letter to Prime Minister Sharon, you will see that it is all consistent with what we are doing here today.
And, in fact, what we have done here today is note the new opportunity that exists for progress in the Middle East, because, for the first time, we have an Israeli Prime Minister who has stood up and said that he wants to evacuate the settlements: 21 in the West Bank; excuse me, 21 in Gaza and four in the West Bank. Mr. Sharon had a setback, obviously, with the Likud Party the other day, but he continues to say that is his goal: to go forward with evacuations; and he is examining how best to do that. And I take note that all polling suggests that the majority of Israeli citizens would like to see a movement in this direction.
In the process of discussing this matter with the Israelis, the President and the Prime Minister took into account certain realities that we believe were appropriate to be taken into account with respect to right of return and with respect to alignment of the armistice lines that might be appropriate. Previous negotiations knew that these features would have to be taken into account, these realities would have to be taken into account, and any future negotiations would have to take them into account, and the President made it explicit.
I think what we have to look at now is how to move forward, and that’s what the Quartet was focused on today: how to take advantage of this new opportunity of the evacuation of settlements, as opposed to just relying on the statements of the past, but something that can actually occur -- the evacuation of settlements; and how we can get the Palestinians ready to take advantage of this opportunity and to get back into the roadmap, get back on the path to peace.
: I would like us to stay on the subject of the Middle East initially. We will go to other subjects later.
: Mr. Annan, with reference to a reorganized Palestinian Authority [
]. Does this mean the rest of the world is beginning to agree with the United States that Yasser Arafat is not a good candidate to make peace with Israel? What is a reorganized Palestinian Authority? Or do you just mean a strengthened security force? Are you -– do you favour reorganizing the leadership of the Palestinian Authority so there would be a chance to come to terms with Israel?
Basically, yes, security was part of it, but we didn’t focus just on security. In the past, when we talked about reform of the Palestinian Authority, we had also talked about empowered Prime Minister working with the international community and reform of the security sector. Quite a lot of work has been done with the Palestinians, particularly by the European Union, on the economic and the financial area, also with the World Bank and IMF involved. So we are looking at this whole set of reforms that will give us –- will give the Palestinians capacity and will have a government or an authority on the other side that can take on its responsibilities with full capabilities.
Yes, follow-up to this question, please. What do you mean by “appropriate mechanism” when you are saying that you have not determined once Israel withdraws from certain areas, to whom it would be transferred, and, Mr. Secretary Powell, why is it difficult for you to give the King of Jordan, King Abdullah, a letter of assurances, which is really not asking for very -- for much, although you have given such a letter to Prime Minister Sharon? Aren’t you undermining his efforts, and did he commit to come to the United States regardless if you give him the letter or not?
On your first question, let me say that we are dealing with an evolving situation. As Secretary Powell indicated, the Likud Party voted against the plan. The Prime Minister has reaffirmed his intention to go ahead. We are monitoring it, and we are waiting to see how things evolve and then adapt our plans or mechanisms accordingly. And so this is why we didn’t come up and say, this is what we are going to do. We need to see how the situation evolves. Thank you.
(United States of America): I think I, yeah, the only thing I would say is that Jordanian officials are in Washington today, and we’re discussing this situation with them and looking over various languages that might, might be used. But I will just let those discussions take place among our officials in Washington and leave it at that for the moment, because I’ve been here for the last couple of hours.
My question is also, has to do with that reorganization plan. There’s an effort in the World Bank to raise funds for the Palestinians. My question is, is this a condition, and is it more involvement of the international community with the Palestinian economy, and aren’t we risking turning it into an oil-for-food-type programme?
I think the World Bank has already been involved in this situation for quite some time. As I indicated, there has been quite a lot of assistance to the Palestinian Authority, and, of course, when we talk about Palestinians fulfilling certain obligations and taking on certain action, they need to have the capacity, they need to be able to organize their society and move ahead. We cannot let the economic and humanitarian situation wait until some other day, and whenever we can, strengthen their capacity and improve the economic and humanitarian situation, I think it should be done.
I’d like to ask the Russian and Irish Foreign Ministers what their impressions are. Is the roadmap back on track after this meeting today?
(Russian Federation) (
spoke in Russian
): Thank you. I think that the roadmap never disappeared in terms of our moving forward, and today’s statement by the Quartet, which has just been cited by the Secretary-General, confirms definitely that this is the only unified position, the one unified position of the Quartet.
(Ireland): Well, in answer, Conor, I think we have had
the fourth meeting of the Quartet at a time when hope is in short supply. But the Quartet has reaffirmed its commitment to a comprehensive, inclusive settlement negotiated between the parties and the support for a two-State solution and for the roadmap as a means of achieving this. The final-status issues, such as frontiers and refugees, can only be decided by agreement between the parties themselves. And there’s an important reassurance that a settlement will not be imposed. We have identified a number of obstacles to progress on which we believe immediate action is necessary, including violence and terrorism, Israeli settlement activity, the route of the separation barrier, and we’re agreed that a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza could mark an important step towards the implementation of the roadmap and the realization of a PalestinianState. The Quartet is ready to provide support in bringing that about, and we’re looking for the support of the international community in reaffirming our commitment to such an outcome.
spoke in Russian
): Yes, a question for Minister Lavrov. Russia was the initiator of this meeting. Are you satisfied with the results, and what do you stress the most?
(Russian Federation) (
spoke in Russian
): Yes, the Quartet members were interested in this meeting taking place as soon as possible, and so I would call it a collective initiative, but we did actively call for this type of meeting to take place. The focus, I would say, on what has just been noted by the Secretary-General -- the Quartet has maintained its position, and I would say has consolidated its position, as was already stated. We agreed to set up a monitoring and oversight situation to see how each one of the parties will deal with and comply with their roadmap obligations, and the steps that they have promised to undertake and which they signed to undertake.
It is very important in particular not only to reaffirm the roadmap, and all of the Security Council resolutions and all of the agreements that the parties have entered into as a basis for a Middle East settlement, but it is also necessary to achieve this settlement only through negotiations, including, of course, all final-status issues. And so I think that just that alone emphasizes the importance of today’s meeting, and I would add that the Quartet says that any unilateral steps taken have to be in line with all of the undertakings under the roadmap. The Quartet will facilitate the parties’ doing this through the oversight mechanism that I have alluded to and will ask the donors to provide assistance in reform to the Palestinian Authority, so the Palestinians themselves will be able to deal with their land.
Mr. Secretary, laying aside the question of a letter for the King of Jordan, there is a perception in the Arab world that President Bush gave away two of the best bargaining chips the Palestinians had when he gave his letter to Sharon. Why is the Administration resistant to the idea of making a balancing statement that would recognize concessions the Palestinians might receive from the Israelis, and I’m also interested to see if the other parties up there are interested in -– whether they think such a statement would be appropriate at this time?
(United States of America): We are in conversation with Arab leaders, with King Abdullah and his associates, President Mubarak and his colleagues. We are in contact with Prime Minister AbuAla. I spoke to him last week, explaining our position, and I think that the statement we have issued today on behalf of the Quartet, consisting of the European Union, the United States, the United Nations and the Russian Federation, I think gives some assurance to the Arab world and to the whole world that we are committed to the basis upon which the peace process rests -- that’s appropriate UN resolutions -- we are committed to the parties’ agreeing amongst themselves on final-status issues and not having those final-status issues imposed. So, to some extent, I think we have put out a statement here that should provide that sort of assurance to the Arab world and to Palestinians. And we are in conversation with our other Arab friends to see what assurances and comments they may need from us to make sure that they know that the President has not abandoned them, has not abandoned the hope for the creation of a Palestinian State, he has not abandoned the vision that he laid out in June of 2002.
But where were we going with that vision? Where were we going with this process? Where were we a few weeks ago? We were still hoping for something to break, something to come into the equation, that would change the equation and give us something to work with.
We now have that with the stated intention of Prime Minister Sharon, and with the clear support of the Israeli people to move in this direction. And this gives us something to work with. And we are trying to take advantage of that opportunity. That is what the Quartet has done here today. That is what President Bush did a few weeks ago by embracing what Prime Minister Sharon stated was his intention. And so, this is the time for us to look at the opportunity that has been presented, rather than to get into arguments that don’t take us anywhere. This takes us somewhere.
If we seize this opportunity and work with the parties, we’ll get back onto the roadmap, both sides will be expected to meet their obligations under the roadmap, and settlements will be evacuated. Settlements will be gone, from Israeli occupation. And that settlement property will be converted to constructive use on the part of the Palestinian people, who will be free to move about these areas and build a society for themselves, a civil society, a political infrastructure, a security force that will protect them and also keep terrorists from taking advantage of this freedom that the Palestinian people will have.
And so, we view this as an opportunity to be seized. That’s what the Quartet said today. And I think the statement that we put out today should be read that way by friends and colleagues in the Arab world.
: My question is to the Secretary-General first. It is a simple question, Sir. Does the announcement of President Bush during the Sharon conference and the letters exchanged between the two leaders live to the letter and spirit of 242, 338 and especially 194 -– the right of return?
And my question to Secretary Powell: President Bush went to war to uphold the United Nations resolutions on Iraq. 194 preserved the right of return for the Palestinians; 338 and 242 also speaks about the armistice line of 1949. Wasn’t it the right podium to change these rules of the game here in the United Nations -– the Security Council -– instead of bilateral letters between the two leaders and through press conferences?
: I think on your first question, let me say that the Quartet, which includes the US, today has reaffirmed again the basis for the peace process, including the resolutions you have cited -– 242, 338. And we also refer to the Arab initiative of Crown Prince Abdullah, which was endorsed by the Arab League. So, the basis for moving forward and land for peace is clear and accepted by all of us. And you heard Secretary Powell indicating that that is the basis that we are moving all forward, including Washington.
(United States of America):
, 242, 338, 1397, : all well known to us. And we understand that the parties themselves have to mutually agree between them before any of these issues are settled in final status negotiations. That’s what the President’s exchange of letters with Prime Minister Sharon says. In every paragraph, that is reaffirmed. So, we believe we are operating on this solid basis.
The President also said -– and this gets to the heart of your question -– that we have to consider certain realities on the ground. The parties have to consider them as they go into final status discussions. But ultimately, all of the issues that you touch on are matters to be resolved between the parties themselves. And we did not prejudge. We made a statement that what we believe was appropriate -– what might have to happen in order to get to final settlement. But ultimately, final settlement is something to be resolved between the two parties themselves in negotiation with each other, with the assistance of the international community, in a manner consistent with the roadmap. And the Quartet stands ready to assist in this process.
: Secretary Powell, the Prime Minister of Israel is revising plans because of the Likud vote. Would the United States endorse a partial withdrawal?
And I have another question, for the Secretary-General, and for Minister Lavrov and Solana. The last time we sat here, you talked about bold moves were necessary by the international community. Do you consider Sharon’s move the bold one, or do you have something else up your sleeve?
(United States of America): Since I don’t know what Prime Minister Sharon might do -– all I’ve seen is press reporting of potential modifications –- let’s wait and see what he does rather than give a speculative answer to a hypothetical possibility.
: I think on your second question, let me say that when you look at the communiqué we issued today, we are taking initiatives and saying things that we had not done before. I had also had a chance to say in this Building, when I was asked if the roadmap was dead, that it may have been in distress but it wasn’t dead. And today, I think you have seen the effort by the members of the Quartet to push ahead with the process and work with the parties to honour their commitments and obligations they undertook, and help them implement the agreement.
(European Union): Let me say that once the document is in your possession, you can read it. I am sure you will agree with me on one issue: this document is a very important document that states in a very clear manner that the objective of the Quartet and the objective of the roadmap is to end the occupation that started in 1967, through the construction of two States –- a Palestinian State and an Israeli State. That is the essence of the document.
But on top of that, it puts forward some mechanisms to achieve that goal, mechanisms in which, as Secretary Powell and Secretary Annan have said, go through also the mechanism stated by Prime Minister Sharon, of withdrawal from Gaza. We said very clearly that that withdrawal has to be total. It has to be the end of the occupation in that territory. And I think it is a very important document – the one we have achieved today among the Quartet –- can put the Quartet again at the centre of gravity of the peace process.
(Russian Federation) (
spoke in Russian
): I could add that we are truly looking at the stated intentions of Israel to leave Gaza as a very important step that, if it is done, would begin the process which for a long time was at a standstill. It is an important step. But it is an initial step for a comprehensive settlement to end the occupation and to fully meet all the obligations of the roadmap. That is the general position of the roadmap of the Quartet. So I subscribe to it. Whether it is bold or not bold –- that is up to the journalists, who use their discretion.
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